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PORTSIDELABOR  November 2012, Week 3

PORTSIDELABOR November 2012, Week 3

Subject:

Michele Rhee's Right Turn

From:

Portside Labor <[log in to unmask]>

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Date:

Mon, 19 Nov 2012 00:20:55 -0500

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text/plain (293 lines)

Michele Rhee's Right Turn

The school-reform advocate touts her "bipartisan" bona
fides, but more and more of her allies are conservatives.

Bt Daniel Denvir
Salon.com

SATURDAY, NOV 17, 2012 10:00 AM PST

http://www.salon.com/2012/11/17/michele_rhees_right_turn/

Nov. 6 was a good day for Michelle Rhee. The former
Washington, D.C., schools chancellor, through her
organization StudentsFirst, poured money into state-
level campaigns nationwide, winning 86 of 105 races and
flipping a net 33 seats to advocates of so-called
school reform, a movement that advocates expanding
privately run public charter schools, weakening
teachers’ unions, increasing the weight of high-stakes
standardized tests and, in some cases, using taxpayer
dollars to fund private tuition through vouchers as the
keys to improving public education.

Rhee makes a point of applauding "leaders in both
parties and across the ideological spectrum" because
her own political success — and the success of school
reform — depends upon the bipartisan reputation she has
fashioned. But 90 of the 105 candidates backed by
StudentsFirst were Republicans, including Tea Party
enthusiasts and staunch abortion opponents. And Rhee’s
above-the-fray bona fides have come under heavy fire as
progressives and teachers unions increasingly cast the
school reform movement, which has become virtually
synonymous with Rhee’s name, as politically
conservative and corporate-funded.

Rhee, who did not respond to an interview request, is
an adept fundraiser and organization builder. In
October 2010, she was nudged out after a stormy tenure
as the head of D.C.'s public schools (she closed dozens
of failing schools, fired more than 1,000 teachers and
principals, and went toe-to-toe with unions over issues
like teacher evaluation and tenure).  On the very same
day, she launched a new personal website and social
media operation and then quickly embarked on a series
of television interviews, announcing the creation of
StudentsFirst on "The Oprah Winfrey Show" that
December. "I am going to start a revolution," she told
Oprah. "I'm going to start a movement in this country
on behalf of the nation's children."

Today, StudentsFirst is active to some degree in
seventeen states. (Most education policy making happens
at the state level.) In Washington, Rhee already can
count on support from many Republicans and from Obama's
Education Secretary Arne Duncan, whose Race to the Top
program leveraged billions in federal grant dollars to
encourage states to remove restrictions on charter
school growth and put more weight on standardized
testing in teacher evaluation — both top Rhee
priorities.

Rhee’s popularity among political political elites and
media outlets is formidable: She is a frequent guest on
national television and at events around the country
where she charges up to $50,000 per appearance."The
interesting thing is there's a lot of groups that are
trying to play that role, and Michelle's celebrity
gives StudentsFirst certain assets in that
conversation," says Rick Hess, an education scholar at
the conservative American Enterprise Institute.

Though state-level operations appear to be in their
embryonic stage, StudentsFirst has an ambitious set of
goals — to limit seniority protections for teachers in
California, Connecticut, and Georgia; expand charter
schools in Iowa and New Jersey; promote high-stakes
standardized tests for purposes of teacher evaluation
in Nevada and Minnesota; implement merit pay for
teachers in Indiana and Michigan; and pass "parent
trigger" laws, such as the one touted in the recent
propagandistic pro-school reform movie "Won't Back
Down," in Florida, which would allow parent referendums
to convert public schools to charters.

But StudentsFirst, and indeed the whole "school reform"
agenda, has its critics. Teachers contend they are
being blamed for poor academic achievement that has
poverty, budget cuts, funding inequity, and segregation
at its roots. Educator job dissatisfaction levels this
year reached their highest level since 1989, and
critics say the increasingly high stakes of
standardized tests have fueled the explosion of
cheating scandals in districts nationwide. (Rhee
herself has refused to address still-unanswered
allegations that impressive test numbers racked up
during her Washington relied on cheating.)

Meanwhile, according to the dictates of "reform," arts,
social studies, humanities, science, physical education
and even recess are being squeezed out of the school
day to make time for test preparation. And charters,
touted by Rhee as an alternative for low-income
students of color being failed by public schools, have
not, as a whole, outperformed their public
counterparts, even as they have siphoned public dollars
from districts that desperately need them. While some
charters have boasted high test scores and graduation
rates, many others are beset by financial mismanagement
or corruption.

"It does strike me that there's an emergent backlash,
that maybe things are slowing down, that maybe people
are getting a little more skeptical," says Rutgers
Graduate School of Education Professor Bruce Baker,
"Maybe people are becoming aware that legislation is
being created by external groups and passed around."

Baker points out that Rhee’s agenda is supported by the
notorious American Legislative Exchange Council (ALEC),
an organization composed of conservative state
legislators and businessmen that formulates and
circulates model laws in statehouses nationwide.

StudentsFirst also spent heavily on ballot measures
this year, including $500,000 to oppose a failed
measure that would have added the right to collective
bargaining to the Michigan constitution, $250,000 to
support a successful Georgia measure decreasing local
control over charter schools, and $200,000 to oppose a
successful Idaho measure repealing a law that
undermined teacher's collective bargaining rights. They
spent at least $427,000 on Tennessee state elections.

**

Rhee has pledged to raise $1 billion for StudentsFirst,
a not implausible figure given the big money backing
the school reform agenda. Organizations like Stand for
Children, the right-wing American Federation for
Children, and the Wall Street-backed Democrats for
Education Reform have poured significant funds into
campaigns advancing the school reform agenda. But no
individual in the movement has a higher profile,
including on the donor circuit, than Rhee.

StudentsFirst has received funding from Mayor Michael
Bloomberg, the hedge fund-funded Laura and John Arnold
Foundation, Charles and Helen Schwab Foundation, the
Broad Foundation and the Walton Family Foundation,
according to Reuters. Broad and Walton, along with the
Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation, have been the key
three philanthropists behind myriad reform initiatives.
In New Jersey, hedge-fund managers and Romney
fundraisers David Tepper and Alan Fournier are lead
funders."There is no budget," New Jersey state director
Derrell Bradford told Reuters. "They are willing to
spend whatever it takes."

The "school choice" movement has deep conservative
roots, and it has been successful in large part because
it has sought to portray itself, and in many cases
accurately, as a bipartisan effort. But the association
of Rhee, a self-described Democrat, with conservative
and polarizing figures, could prove dangerous to her
brand — and to Democrats like Obama and Chicago Mayor
Rahm Emanuel, the president's former chief of staff,
who embrace it. (In the wake of the Chicago teacher's
strike earlier this year, Rhee praised Rahm Emmanuel,
saying it was "commendable and telling that a
Democratic mayor was willing to take on special
interests in his own party [i.e., teachers unions] to
fight for the civil rights of children.")

In 2010, Rhee headed conservative Florida Gov. Rick
Scott’s education transition team, and soon after, she
was with New Jersey Gov. Chris Christie at his State of
the State address. She traveled to Ohio to watch
Waiting for Superman with anti-union Republican Gov.
John Kasich, a state with a StudentsFirst director who
previously worked for the pro-voucher School Choice
Ohio. Before the presidential election, Rhee was
mentioned as a possible Education Secretary in a Romney
administration.

Wisconsin Gov. Scott Walker's communications director
quietly proposed bringing Rhee to the state after he
unveiled his controversial plan to restrict public
employee collective bargaining rights. She stayed away
from Wisconsin, likely knowing an appearance would be
toxic to her reputation with Democrats. But she did
defend Walker on TV.

In Pennsylvania, a laboratory for corporate-model
reform, StudentsFirst hired Ashley DeMauro, who served
as the Department of Education government relations
chief under Republican Gov. Tom Corbett. Corbett has
made deeply unpopular cuts to public education,
instituted a school vouchers-like tax credit, and is
pushing for a massive expansion of charter schools
statewide.

"Pennsylvania needs people who can collaborate, build
alliances, and stay focused on how we as a nation can
create scalable, sustainable models for effective
public education in high poverty communities," says
Lawrence Feinberg, co-chairman of the Keystone State
Education Coalition and a critic of privatization. He
notes that Rhee once invited a PBS camera crew to watch
her dismiss a principal: "I don't believe that firing
educators on TV facilitates that effort."

Conservative hedge fund managers at the Pennsylvania-
based Susquehanna International Group have been key
supporters of StudentsFirst PAC, a separate pro-voucher
organization with a similar name. It is not clear if
they have donated to Rhee's outfit, but Rhee, according
to Reuters, made two appearances before the group last
year.

The organization has made the greatest splash in New
York, where StudentsFirstNY, formed this spring, has
entered a heated fight over the legacy of Michael
Bloomberg’s education policies. Where one stands vis a
vis the group has become a litmus test for likely
mayoral candidates.

"The group believes that the Bloomberg administration
has been by far and away the most supportive of the
policies they support — stricter accountability for
teachers and schools, more charter schools and the
elimination of tenure and seniority protections," says
Geoff Decker, a journalist for Gotham Schools who has
covered the group. "They want to make those policies a
part of the election season conversation and push
candidates to adopt positions on those issues."

Both Public Advocate Bill de Blasio and City
Comptroller Jason Liu have said they would not accept
the group's money or endorsement. City Council Speaker
Christine Quinn, an ally of Mayor Bloomberg and a
likely front-runner for mayor, has said that she will
accept both StudentsFirstNY and union donations. Bill
Thompson, the former head of the New York City Board of
Education who challenged Bloomberg in 2009, raised
concerns about the group's political allegiances but
did not rule out accepting donations.

The Bloomberg operation is lining up to support Rhee.
The mayor’s state legislative director Micah Lasher
stepped down to lead the group, and former schools
chief and current News Corporation executive Joel Klein
serves on the board. So do charter school head and
former councilwoman Eva Moskowitz, former mayor Ed
Koch, Harlem Children's Zone founder Geoffrey Canada of
"Waiting for Superman" fame, and Romney adviser and
(yes) Campbell Brown husband Dan Senor, along with what
the New York Times calls "a number of venture
capitalists and hedge fund managers, who have served as
the movement’s financial backers." The New York group,
according to the Times, aims to raise $10 million-a-
year for five years.

Michelle Rhee is back, she's organized and she has got
loads of cash and high-level political support. But as
the education debate increasingly polarizes between
right and left, Rhee's conservative friends might prove
to be political  liabilities.


Daniel Denvir is a staff writer at Philadelphia City
Paper and a contributing writer for Salon. You can
follow him at Twitter @DanielDenvir.

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