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PORTSIDE  July 2012, Week 5

PORTSIDE July 2012, Week 5

Subject:

California's Fields Ablaze

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Mon, 30 Jul 2012 22:03:25 -0400

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California's Fields Ablaze 

by Paul Buhle, Review of Trampling Out the Vintage: Cesar
Chavez and the Two Souls of the United Farm Workers
by Frank Bardacke, Verso: London and New York 2011

New Left Review 75, May-June 2012 

http://newleftreview.org/II/75/paul-buhle-california-s-fields-ablaze

This massive volume, the labour of a near-lifetime, is
certainly the best workplace study of labour in North
America published in a generation. [1] Only the magnum
scholarship of the late David Montgomery, dean of the
field, can rival it, and Montgomery stopped at the
early twentieth century, when efforts to fend off the
breakdown of skills had been overwhelmed by Henry Ford
and his generation of production-line taskmasters.
Frank Bardacke takes on something far closer to the
present day, at turning points of labour history whose
impact is still visible today. No history of
California, no history of Mexican-American life and no
history of agricultural production can be written again
without the insights contained in these pages.

In any account of the United Farm Workers, there is
ample room for recrimination and bitterness; but
Bardacke shows none of that in his own spirited
history. The story of the ufw is inseparable from that
of Cesar Chavez, the most magnetic race leader in the
mid-to-late twentieth century after Martin Luther King,
Jr. Like the latter a champion of non-violence, Chavez
was seemingly predestined to bring down the movement
with his own failures--although it would perhaps be more
accurate, and certainly more generous, to say that it
was the failure of the movement that brought down
Chavez. The long odds against institutional success for
the largely Mexican and Mexican-American agrarian
workforce, owning nothing but their labour, made the
charismatic super-leader's implosion likely if not
inevitable.

Bardacke, who comes from a bohemian family background,
was a civil-rights activist in the early 60s, then a
campus leader at Berkeley; later he was one of the many
activists and counsellors who staffed the gi coffee
houses and later still an agricultural worker: he spent
'six seasons in the fields between 1971 and 1979'
harvesting broccoli, lettuce and celery in Salinas,
California. He is said to have helped introduce the
long-handled hoe in Watsonville, before leaving the
fields to become a local teacher. Bardacke has too fine
a feeling for the subject to reduce ufw history to an
aspect of Cesar Chavez's biography, as many have in the
past. Chavez shares the stage with many farm workers
whose stories the author tells, focusing on the
character of their work, the structure of their crews,
their left political backgrounds in Mexico--all of which
had major impacts on the union. The differing ways in
which the work was done, for example, especially in
lettuce and grapes, gave farm workers involved in those
crops different measures of power; these were a major
factor in the union's two-decade-long struggle with
agribusiness and in the final debilitating battle
within the union. Moreover, the agrarista politics the
workers brought with them from Mexico played an
essential part in building the union in the fields, and
were a major point of difference with the Catholic
Social Action ideology of Chavez and many of the top
union staffers.

Except for two bitter years spent in the Navy in
1944-46, Chavez--a second-generation Mexican-American
whose family lost its small store during the Depression
and ended up working the fields--also picked crops until
he found a new career for himself. Educated and trained
in line with conservative Catholic ideas of service,
sacrifice and militant resistance to 'foreign'
doctrines such as Socialism or Communism, he could
rally not only farm workers and a small army of
dedicated radical idealists, but also Catholic figures,
from bishops to priests, who had long shied away from
progressive movements out of fear of a Communist taint.
He could even appeal to rising liberal celebrities like
Robert Kennedy, who carried a sordid history of
collaboration with the fbi and the House Committee on
Un-American Activities.

Behind this seemingly personal saga lay a broader
activist history. Notable contributions were made here
by the sui generis Community Service Organization (cso)
and its savant, Saul Alinsky. A talented organizer from
New Deal days, Alinsky had centred his activity upon
communities of non-European descent involved in
Chicago's meatpacking industry, and rose in influence
with the success of militant, interracial unions. He
survived the postwar repression and decisively
separated himself from the Left's remnants by arguing
that his kind of community reform was the best
protection against the advances of Communism. As such,
he gained influence and patronage from sections of the
Catholic Church, positioning himself to create (among a
considerable series of projects) the cso, funded mainly
by liberal philanthropists whom he wooed. The cso,
then, exemplified the Alinsky model by which
'organizers' changed communities by stirring people
into a sustained mobilization.

From the early 50s onwards, the cso aimed to bring
Californian citizens of Hispanic heritage into the
mainstream political process just as much as into the
union movement. Here and there, mainly in the inland
counties, the cso did indeed combat endemic police
brutality, successfully demand more social services in
the barrios, and help people to become citizens and to
vote, among other achievements. Building a machine
meant working at close quarters with Church activists
intent on 'out-organizing the Communists' and other
secular radicals whose earlier hard work had earned
them residual influence. Increasing the participation
and influence of Chicanos within the parishes, usually
against the wishes of the existing conservative
leadership, was no small matter. It also demanded
taking on one gigantic, complicated issue: the Bracero
Program.

Faced with wartime labour shortages, the us government
had contracted with its Mexican counterpart in 1942 to
import temporary workers by the tens of thousands each
year, mainly into Texas and California. This itinerant
population, lacking any rights, abused and underpaid,
depressed the wages of resident farm workers, making
the Program a divisive political question--nowhere more
so than in California. Ending the Program, and thus
excluding this Mexican-based workforce, was one of the
first major goals of cso, supported by liberal
Democrats except those on the payroll of the
agribusiness lobbies. Young Cesar Chavez, a quick study
as cso organizer, was ideally placed to benefit from
the sympathy of the new Kennedy administration and
especially Secretary of Labor Arthur Goldberg, an
experienced Cold Warrior with wide intelligence
contacts. By this time, us foreign policy all but
demanded bringing Hispanics and African Americans into
the body politic, especially as Democratic voters.

The Bracero issue also raised a recurrent question for
the labour mainstream: inclusion or exclusion. The
first president of the afl-cio (and Goldberg's close
ally) George Meany aggressively defended the existence
of whites-only union locals on the basis of their
rightful autonomy; this reflected the values of afl
founder Samuel Gompers, who had made his name back in
the 1880s lobbying against Chinese immigration. These
leaders had treated the cross-border racial
egalitarianism of the old Industrial Workers of the
World and the more recent Communist-influenced
cio--until its purge of 'Red' unions--as not only
unwanted but dangerous. Although the Bracero Program
was ended in 1964, a fundamental aspect of the larger
problem remained: illegal immigrants slipping across
the border and into the fields, more by the 60s-70s
than ever before. Building a movement that included but
also transcended unionism, and in the process raising
the profile of Mexican-Americans, Chavez and his
lieutenants established their own strategy of
exclusionism, backing expulsion of undocumented Mexican
immigrants. Not until the mid-90s would the afl-cio
shift ground and welcome them as fellow working people.

Meanwhile, liberal activists of the 60s, in particular
large sections of the California Democratic Party,
viewed the rising Chavez as a godsend. He could deliver
votes. He could also create a sensation of devotion to
la causa not only for himself and his farm-worker
devotees, but for the idealists who came from far and
wide to gather behind him, live in near-poverty, lose
themselves for a time in something that felt like the
great cio drives of the 1930s or the Socialist movement
of the Eugene Debs days. Never mind that the United
Farm Workers, growing into a social force beyond the
cso, wobbled between solidarity and exclusion, linked
as it was to both ends of us labour history, radical
and conservative. For the wider public, Chavez's
persona so much represented the Chicano movement's
coming of age that others further to the left--anti-war
activists and, by the end of the 60s, Chicano 'Brown
Power' militants--actually gained something from his
more cautious and conservative efforts. His triumph and
tragedy might indeed be measured in his courageous
crossing of assorted lines, facing uneven odds on all
sides, always unsure of himself and what might be
feasible.

Chavez was buoyed up, his rise made possible, by the
dedication of a large cadre drawn from Mexican
immigrants and their descendants, but also from various
corners of the Left, from generic radical to Communist
and Trotskyist, who all gave themselves to the movement
and, without raising complaints openly, largely to
Chavez himself. One of the great strengths of Trampling
Out the Vintage is the care with which it treats such
circles, as evidenced in the extent to which the book's
detail has been drawn from, and its facts checked by,
veterans of these struggles. This enables it to make
sense--as almost no other work of recent labour history
does--of the dialectic between leadership, middle-level
leadership and rank-and-file. Figures like fiery
grassroots organizer and sometime cso staffer Dolores
Huerta and civil-rights veteran Marshall Ganz, not to
mention assorted afl-cio progressives, Old Reds and so
on, receive sustained attention without
romanticization; quite an accomplishment.

If a weakness might be spotted here, it is an
under-usage of the labour historian's usual source, the
newspaper (in this case El Malcriado, appearing in 1964
and almost always to the left of Chavez), and the more
recently favoured source--the music, theatre and ritual
of a social movement, especially strong but difficult
to analyse in this case. Bardacke's attention in this
quarter goes to theatre, because of its influence but
also its character, in contrast to the cabaret style
familiar to Left events from the Popular Front onwards.
El Teatro Campesino, with its evolving presentation to
semi-literate audiences, seems to have been equally
close to commedia dell'arte as to Mexican carpa or
circus shows, as well as perhaps European medieval
feast-day spectacles; but it was also extremely
sophisticated and open to rapid adaptations. As
Bardacke describes it in one of the colourful passages
that make this book so inviting:

from the commedia, [Mime Troupe organizer Luis] Valdez
took masks, which were not typical in the carpa, and
made a significant addition of his own: signs hung
around the necks of the actors that identified the
archetypes they represented. Thus, no theatrical time
had to be wasted identifying Patroncito (the Little
Boss), Huelguista (the Striker), Coyote (the wily
labour contractor) and Esquirol (the strike-breaker),
and the actors could immediately proceed to a comic
representation of the power relationships between the
various characters, which was the heart of the Teatro's
improvisations and actos.

This vibrancy gave the movement a heady optimism that
belied its capacity to surmount the real obstacles to
gaining contracts. Agribusiness was both powerful and
flexible. Divisions between Mexican, Mexican-American
and Filipino farm workers were difficult to overcome.
The union's autocratic culture and top-down
organization made it hard to build and consolidate
power in the fields. Without functioning union locals,
farm workers were unable to elect their fellow workers
to positions on the ufw staff, and the leadership
thereby found itself isolated from the actual lives and
problems of its membership. The union had scant ability
and little interest in nurturing the kind of
rank-and-file power that could have sustained a
long-term challenge to the California growers. In the
face of these odds, the name of Delano, an otherwise
unnotable village in the San Joaquin Valley, became a
magical word cutting across the generations of the Old
and New Left, and across religious and secular lines.
The march from Delano to Sacramento in 1966, a banner
of the Virgin at its head, picking up field hands as it
approached small towns, looked to be a crusade of the
powerless learning their own power. With the Okies and
Arkies--who had fled impoverished Oklahoma and Arkansas
in the Depression years--practically gone, the themes of
John Steinbeck's Grapes of Wrath and Woody Guthrie's
associated class-struggle hymn nevertheless seemed to
have come to life again.

Chavez found an apparent answer to farm workers'
weaknesses, perhaps too much of an answer, in the
Boycott campaigns. Not quite legal, not quite illegal
in the terms of the 1947 Taft-Hartley Act limiting
labour's use of collective action against employers,
the Grape Boycott of the 60s-70s swept along the
country's liberals--emphatically including sections of
the labour movement and clergy closed to any
near-Communist cause--into enthusiastic community
efforts. A memory from the mid-60s, predating the
anti-war movement and the counter-culture, both of
which stoked the culture wars, this recollection now
grows so distant we forget the power of its appeal at
the time. With widening support came the deification of
Chavez himself. Farm workers rapidly became, at least
for many, more symbol than reality. Like blues singer
Leadbelly placed atop a pile of cotton by showmen
seeking to win a Popular Front audience in the late
1930s, erstwhile field hands were presented in faded
clothes and tutored on behaviour as they toured to
speak to roaring crowds of supporters across the East
and the Midwest. The farm-worker movement or cause thus
swiftly outgrew the struggling union itself.

And still, as Bardacke recounts in scrupulous detail,
the complexity of events on the ground often defied the
wider drift. Even as the ufw lent a hand to the
authorities in hunting 'illegals', even as Chavez
talked darkly of 'conspiracies' against his leadership,
the ufw used its political clout to pull Governor Jerry
Brown into shepherding through some of the strongest
pro-labour legislation in the us. In 1977, faced with
their own internal problems, including the
disappearance of their president Jimmy Hoffa, the
Teamsters--the main competing union--essentially left the
fields. This victory arrived, it seems, too late for a
decisive sweep in large areas of produce, and it may
have emboldened a troubled Chavez into a series of
calamitous decisions.

Chavez's insistence upon returning to the grape
vineyards, where the ufw was losing ground, rather than
the vegetable fields, where they had barely begun to
consolidate their gains, was a disaster. It was also
the kind of decision likely to be made by a charismatic
leader who had ceased to listen to advice from below,
even from some of his most faithful lieutenants. He
turned upon everyone he mistrusted, conducting a
sweeping purge of those with left-wing credentials,
practically dissolving the boycott operation and
finalizing certain destructive changes within the
internal dynamics of the ufw. The purge, and the
consolidation of a personality cult, can be explained
in many ways, but were epitomized in the strangest
development of all, beginning in the mid-70s. Chavez,
hard-pressed and inclined to paranoia, turned to group
dynamics and the practices of Synanon, a self-help
group developed in the Los Angeles area for drug
abusers during the 50s-70s that morphed curiously into
a leader-dominated sect, complete with its own church.
Chavez carefully prescribed its methods only for the
ufw leadership cadre of several hundred, who were set
to practice among themselves 'The Game' of collectively
breaking down one personality at a time, diminishing
and then presumably rebuilding his ego. Never explained
to ordinary farm-worker members, let alone used among
them, The Game never succeeded in creating the regime
of unquestioned leadership that Chavez apparently
intended. More of the faithful, who had already put up
with so much, now walked away. In a sense, the
compulsory game-playing complemented Chavez's personal
attraction to the Marcos family of the Philippines: in
1977, seeking to shore up his standing among Filipino
workers in the us, he went to Manila as the dictator's
honoured guest. As with many other aspects of Chavez's
character, to call this bad personal judgement would be
too simple, and Bardacke is not inclined toward
psychoanalytic interpretations.

By the end of the 70s, with the social movements and
abundant idealism of the earlier decade slipping into
the past, things continued to fall apart. Investigative
journalists discovered assorted pockets of corruption
within the union, as the campaign among vegetable
workers, abandoned earlier, now appeared increasingly
Sisyphean, and the boycott apparatus could not be
rebuilt. Soon Ronald Reagan was president, and
Republican George Deukmejian was California governor.
Growers steadily won back fields lost to unionization,
even as fresh--or more highly publicized--information on
the effects of pesticides on farm workers offered
shocking evidence of corporate crime and consumer
dangers. Chavez, past sixty, made one desperate last
fast, thirty-six days long. Among the celebrities
paying homage were Martin Sheen, Eddie Albert, Edward
James Olmos and Robert Blake. It was, in its
Hollywoodesque quality, one last mirror to the Popular
Front solidarity effort of the 1930s and 40s with and
among Mexican-Americans in California--and in that
sense, a mirror also of the Left that young Chavez and
his allies had determinedly rejected. Time had, in any
case, run out on another generation's effort. Chavez
died in 1993, and efforts to revive the ufw have not
succeeded.

The depth of Bardacke's insight, as developed within
the pages of Trampling Out the Vintage, is
extraordinary. These pages contain the fruit of
hundreds of field reports, interviews, stories told as
to a close friend or trusted comrade. They also contain
priceless accounts of the many ufw staffers and
volunteers who made the movement possible, and whose
efforts are among the most important of any Left
activism from that era. Bardacke is the only person who
could tell these stories. His is a remarkable
achievement.


[1] Frank Bardacke, Trampling Out the Vintage: Cesar
Chavez and the Two Souls of the United Farm Workers,
Verso: London and New York 2011, $54.95, hardback 840
pp, 978 1 84467 718 4 By the same author:
The Hollywood Left: Aesthetics and Politics America:
Post-Modernity? Between Bad Times and Better

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