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PORTSIDE  July 2012, Week 1

PORTSIDE July 2012, Week 1

Subject:

‘I Am an Illegal Alien on My Own Land’

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Date:

Wed, 4 Jul 2012 23:48:26 -0400

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text/plain (277 lines)

‘I Am an Illegal Alien on My Own Land’

David Shulman

http://www.nybooks.com/blogs/nyrblog/2012/jun/28/susya-demolition-israeli-occupation/

In 1949, shortly after Israel's War of Independence, S.
Yizhar--the doyen of modern Hebrew prose writers--published
a story that became an instant classic. "Khirbet Khizeh"
is a fictionalized account of the destruction of a
Palestinian village and the expulsion of all its
inhabitants by Israeli soldiers in the course of the war.
The narrator, a soldier in the unit that carries out the
order, is sickened by what is being done to the innocent
villagers. Here he is in Nicholas de Lange and Yaacob
Dweck's translation (Ibis Publications, 2008):

I felt a terrifying collapse inside me. I had a single,
set idea, like a hammered nail, that I could never be
reconciled to anything, so long as the tears of a weeping
child still glistened as he walked along with his mother,
who furiously fought back her soundless tears, on his way
into exile, bearing with him a roar of injustice and such
a scream that--it was impossible that no one in the world
would gather that scream in when the moment came....

Still, the narrator goes along with the expulsion without
overt protest. Yizhar himself was an intelligence officer
during the war; he describes events he may well have seen
himself: "We came, we shot, we burned; we blew up,
expelled, drove out, and sent into exile. What in God's
name were we doing in this place?"

Somewhat surprisingly, this story was taught for many
years in Israeli secondary schools as part of the modern
Hebrew canon; even today it is still on the books as an
optional text for the matriculation exam (unless the
Netanyahu government has secretly removed it). The story
embodies the conscience of Israel at the moment of the
state's formation. It also gives voice to a much older
Jewish tradition of moral protest and the struggle for
social justice. When I was growing up in the Midwest in
the 1950s and 1960s, I mistakenly thought that this
tradition was at the core of what it meant to be Jewish.

Sixty-three years have passed since Yizhar wrote "Khirbet
Khizeh." I wish I could say that what he described was an
ugly exception and that such actions don't happen any
more. It is not, and they do. This week I find myself in
Susya, in the South Hebron hills, near the southern corner
of the West Bank. Like their counterparts in many other
Palestinian villages, Susya's approximately 300
inhabitants are impoverished, badly scarred, terrified,
and defenseless. The week before last the officers of the
Civil Administration, that is, the Israeli occupation
authority, turned up with new demolition orders in their
hands; these orders apply to nearly all the standing
structures in the village--mostly tents, ramshackle huts,
sheep-pens, latrines, and the wind-and-sun-powered turbine
that Israeli activists put up some three years back to
generate electricity on this stony, thirsty hilltop in the
desert. If the orders are carried out--this could happen at
any moment--then it means the nearly complete destruction
of an entire village and the violent expulsion of its
people. They will be, quite literally, cast into the
desert.

Not, however, for the first time. Depending on how you
count them, there have already been three, perhaps four,
expulsions at Susya. The first one happened in 1986, when
Palestinian families--over 1500 people-- were driven from
their homes in Susya al-Qadima, "Old Susya," which sat on
top of an archaeological site that, to their misfortune,
contained a second-Temple-period synagogue. They took up
residence at a site nearby, on lands belonging to them,
called Rujum al-Hamri, which happened to be close to the
new Israeli settlement of Susya (established in 1983).

The new settlers, put there by the state, were not good
neighbors. In fact, for the last nearly three decades
they've done whatever they could to drive the Palestinians
out--including many violent, sometimes murderous attacks on
them, continuous harassment, and efforts to use the
courts, both military and civil, against them. Together
with several of my colleagues, I myself have had the honor
of being brutally assaulted by Susya settlers.

The second expulsion took place in 1990, when Rujum
al-Hamri was evacuated by the army. The inhabitants were
loaded onto trucks, exactly as in Yizhar's story from
1949, and driven some fifteen kilometers north, where they
were dumped by the roadside at the edge of the desert.
Still, most of them came back, building the encampment of
present-day Susya on a rocky escarpment within their
historic agricultural and grazing grounds. Their daily
life--I can tell you from long first-hand experience--is a
fierce struggle to survive in this arid land in the face
of a hostile system that has devoured most of their
property, destroyed the caves they lived in, and still
subjects them to arbitrary arrest, humiliation, and
life-threatening violence. They are poor, poorer than
anything I have ever seen in India; what they have are
their sheep and goats and a few sun-baked fields where
they grow a low-grade variety of wheat and barley that
serve as fodder. Because they have been robbed of their
wells, they have to buy water from the nearby city of
Yatta, which is delivered in small tankers.

The third expulsion took place in July 2001, when
civilians--undoubtedly settlers--worked side by side with
Israeli soldiers to destroy the tattered tents and shacks
and drive the Palestinians out, apparently in response to
the murder of a well-known settler, Yair Har Sinai (the
Susyans had nothing to do with this). Again they came back
and rebuilt. But Israeli Susya has continued to expand,
spawning a series of so-called "illegal outposts," all of
them on Palestinian land, even as the Palestinian
shepherds and farmers have been hemmed into a continually
shrinking space. The coup de grace may be delivered in the
next few days--unless we manage to forestall it.

Earlier this year, in February, a settlers' NGO called
"Regavim" (literally "clods of soil"--the name aptly
represents the romantic fantasy of belonging that settlers
typically cultivate), petitioned the Israeli Supreme
Court, demanding that demolition orders issued years ago
by the Civil Administration for Palestinian Susya be
carried out immediately. The petitioners, many of whom
live on stolen land, had the temerity to refer to
Palestinian Susya, the last remnant of the ancient
village, as an "illegal outpost."

The court held a hearing on June 6 and issued an order
prohibiting all further building in Palestinian Susya. In
itself, this makes little difference; it is anyway next to
impossible for Palestinians living in Area C of the West
Bank, under direct Israeli control, to get a permit to
build from the committee, largely composed of settlers,
that oversees such requests. But the Court's preliminary
ruling seems to be linked to the new demolition orders,
for reasons not yet clear.

Perhaps the Civil Administration sees the court order as
an opportunity to act with impunity against Palestinian
Susya. Perhaps the Court itself is trying to restore a
balance after having ruled recently against the settlers
in Beit Ulpana, a suburb of the huge central West Bank
settlement of Beit El. (The Beit Ulpana houses, all
illegally built, will apparently be sawed off their
foundations and moved a few hundred meters to another
piece of appropriated Palestinian land.)

Susya is a microcosm of the Israeli occupation, a lucid
embodiment of its norms and habits. Only the scale of the
planned expulsion is a little unusual; normally the
process, though relentless, proceeds in smaller steps.
Note that the legal aspect of the situation, which I've
only outlined, is little more than a superstructure, one
might even say a distant theory; on the ground what one
sees is a refined form of human malevolence, incapable of
justification in rational terms. The Israeli army, the
police, the bureaucrats of the Civil Administration, the
government, the cabinet, the Knesset, the military and
civilian courts, and large parts of the Israeli press--all
are deeply implicated in an act, or a series of acts, of
gratuitous violence inflicted on innocent human beings, in
broad daylight. No one should pretend that any of this is
anything but a crime.

Perhaps the sheer magnitude of the impending injustice,
and the particular resilience and courage shown by the
Susya Palestinians over the years, can explain the
impressive response to the call for a major protest at
Susya on June 22. I've rarely seen so large, so
disciplined, and so clearly focused a peace demonstration.
Over 500 people came from Jerusalem (including a large
Palestinian contingent from East Jerusalem), Tel Aviv,
Beer Sheva, and various sites in the occupied West Bank.
For once, there were no rambling speeches rehearsing the
terrible tale. Within minutes of arrival, we were marching
under a scorching sun toward Susya al-Qadima, the original
site of the village, now off limits to Palestinians. The
Susya people were going home. It was a moving sight, and a
certain solemnity, even serenity, accompanied us as we
walked through the thorns and rocks. There was not the
least hint of violence; no stone was thrown.

Of course, the army was waiting for us, and the soldiers,
too, lost no time in doing what soldiers do. There were
stun grenades, which can make you deaf for a few days if
they go off close to you, and tear gas, and the usual
threats and shouts and orders barked at us by senior
officers. None of this stopped us. Much more ominous was
the Israeli army's Doomsday Weapon, the Bo'esh or Skunk,
which sprays a liquid of overpowering stench that sinks
into your pores and clothes and stays there for days; it
causes severe vomiting and very effectively stops a crowd
of marchers. I've never experienced it, but there are
activists who describe it as worse than the rubber-coated
bullets the army likes to shoot at Palestinian
demonstrators.

The Skunk sits atop a long, ugly military vehicle, and it
has a turret that swivels back and forth, taking aim at
whoever it wants to attack. It's a little unnerving when
the turret targets you. But even the threat of the Bo'esh
didn't deter the demonstrators, who faced a line of
heavily armed soldiers, guns loaded. "Let them spray me,"
said one of the Palestinians to me, smiling; "I don't
care; anyway it's a stinking occupation." As in other
Palestinian villages I've seen in this mode of non-violent
protest, at Susya the women had a leading part, fearlessly
engaging the soldiers, taunting them, dancing and singing
before them, insouciant. Alongside these women was a
troupe of five brightly costumed clowns, no less daring
and inventive. Imagine a soldier, laden down with helmet
and cartridges and grenades and boots and all the other
foolish bits of metal and plastic, pouring sweat in the
midday sun. What, exactly, is this soldier to do when a
clown with a bright red nose, cackling and giggling,
sticks a peacock's feather down the muzzle of his
sub-machine gun and then proceeds to tickle his nose?

I wondered, as I often do at such moments, if any of the
soldiers standing there in the Palestinian fields felt as
ridiculous as they looked to us. And why were they there?
Maybe to make sure we didn't march on the Israeli
settlement of Susya, just over the hill? Was this what
really terrified them? But we had no intention of trying
this. Still, I said to my friend Danny, maybe one day this
will happen, and everything will change. I'd told him just
moments before that I had good news; last night just after
midnight a granddaughter was born. He laughed: "Your
granddaughter will live to see that day."

But I don't think it will take that long.

Meanwhile, what will happen in Susya next week, and the
week after that? The protest is spreading, no doubt about
that, but the danger of expulsion remains very real. Here
is Nasser Nawaja', 28 years old, one of the leading
activists in Susya and a close friend, speaking to the
Hebrew press:

They're calling our village an illegal outpost. These
lands are ours from before there was a State of Israel. My
father is older than your state--and I am an illegal alien
on my own land. I ask where is justice? Your courts
distinguish between the settler and the Palestinian...We're
surrounded by illegal outposts [built by settlers] that
have everything--infrastructures of water and electricity--
despite the fact that these settlements are illegal even
under Israeli law. And now you want to expel this old man
from his home once again? To expel all of us who own these
lands, who have lived on them for generations in this
space that is ours, which is all we know?

June 28, 2012, 5 p.m.

___________________________________________

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