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PORTSIDE  May 2012, Week 3

PORTSIDE May 2012, Week 3

Subject:

The Only True Revolution in Syria Is Nonviolent

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Portside Moderator <[log in to unmask]>

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Date:

Thu, 17 May 2012 22:35:38 -0400

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text/plain (337 lines)

The Only True Revolution in Syria Is Nonviolent

by Iara Lee

[salam!!! after intense filming, here are some of my
observations and experiences at the syrian/turkish border:
THE ONLY TRUE REVOLUTION IN SYRIA IS NONVIOLENT
http://www.huffingtonpost.com/iara-lee/the-only-true-revolution-in-syria-is-nonviolent_b_1519844.html

hope you read, share your thoughts, and help us connect with
others committed to a nonviolent syrian revolution (artists,
doctors, musicians, cartoonists, activists, syrians from all
walks of life), as we are filming and editing in the middle
east.

in solidarity,
IARA LEE * CulturesOfResistance.org
[log in to unmask]
http://www.facebook.com/iara.lee.filmmaker.activist
www.huffingtonpost.com/iara-lee ]


The Blog - Huff Post
May 15, 2012

Submitted by the author to Portside

http://www.huffingtonpost.com/iara-lee/the-only-true-revolution-in-syria-is-nonviolent_b_1519844.html

The present conflict in Syria is a rather ugly mutation of
the Arab uprisings that erupted across the Middle East and
North Africa over a year ago. As in other countries, the
uprising in Syria began with peaceful demonstrations for
democratic reform, only to devolve into a violence that has
now brought the country to the brink of a full-blown civil
war. With a regime that still exercises considerable control
over the population, the prospects of such a war are grim,
and the nature of the conflict is likely to be protracted,
complicated, and bloody, with an equally uncertain aftermath
if and when the regime falls.

What the Assad regime doesn't realize (or perhaps does
understand, cynically) is that the refugee crisis occurring
is only fanning the flames of conflict. The types of
"extremists" he decries are born in refugee camps, and the
camps I've visited across the border, in southern Turkey,
are no exception. Tens of thousands of people have fled
their homes with fear, sadness, and hatred in their hearts,
and justifiably so: Most have witnessed unspeakable
brutality; watched their friends and family killed, raped,
or disappeared; and, in the face of such horrors, see no
room for negotiating with the regime anymore. And so they
find themselves abandoning the peaceful revolution and
supporting the Free Syrian Army (FSA), a nebulous entity
composed of defected soldiers, angry civilians, and,
sometimes, plain criminals. The FSA began as a collection of
soldiers who refused to fire on peacefully protesting
civilians, who then left the army and began to form militias
aimed at protecting these demonstrators. Soon, this purely
defensive function gave way to small raids and ambushes of
government troops, thereby fuelling the regime's claims that
protestors are not peaceful, and that they cannot be dealt
with peacefully.

Allowing violence to overtake the revolution would represent
a wholesale descent into passion, an abandonment of
strategic thought into what could be seen as miniature
version of a regime itself, a regime that brutalizes, lies,
and has lost its humanity altogether. Such a revolution
would not bode well for a successor regime. Already there is
some evidence of this taking place. Rumours abound that tell
of more desperate members of the opposition mimicking their
ugly opponent: creating and disseminating false videos and
propaganda, staging offensive operations against government
targets, and encouraging more violence, when their goal at
inception was to lessen violence, not inflame it.

While most Syrians desire a complete return to the peaceful
revolution that began over a year ago, the regime seems
quite content with an armed opposition, and rightly so:
Assad has been the recipient of billions of dollars in
sophisticated Russian military hardware, the kind that no
rebel group, or at least not this rebel group, could hope to
match. This also makes a Libya-style NATO intervention (as
some seem to desire) much more complicated, and not at all
productive in bringing about a truly peaceful, free Syria. A
military solution, for all practical purposes, does not
exist, at least not without destroying the nation it hopes
to liberate.

Amidst the violence, there are signs of hope. Women travel
through checkpoints from Damascus to Homs, smuggling
medicine under their abbayas; classrooms are improvised
wherever they can be found so that children can continue
their education despite the disruptive violence surrounding
them; children write poetry and make drawings of a dictator-
gone-mad who, contrary to mythology, does not stand up to
the Israelis or to the Americans but uses his tanks to kill
his own people. Peaceful resistance does not mean no
resistance, nor does it mean simply paper banners in the
street. Many refugees that I spoke to, private citizens of
Syria with no interest in political power, think peaceful
direct action, like general strikes, are capable of
paralyzing the country and wreaking havoc on the regime.
Should the revolution return to its peaceful origins, it is
likely to grow in size and intensity. Bashar al-Assad enjoys
very little popularity among his people, but it is the
violence -- of the regime and the opposition both -- that
has alienated so many into remaining silent.

Such peaceful resistance would be doubly effective in
conjunction with unanimous diplomatic force, which would
require that Russia and China participate in sanctions
against the Assad regime. Of course, this is where the
conflict becomes bigger and more complex, as Syria is itself
the unfortunate pawn in a larger power struggle. The Assad
regime's affiliation with Iran, and their relationship to
the two ascendant superpowers in the world (Russia and
China), put them at odds with the reigning (and waning)
superpower, the United States, and its chosen successor,
Israel. The geopolitical context of the Syrian crisis is now
causing rifts among international activists who are normally
unified in their opposition to American imperialism and
Israel's policies toward Palestine but now find themselves
on opposite sides of the divide when it comes to Syria and
the Assad regime. I find this baffling. In my mind, if you
believe in a free Palestine, you must also believe in a free
Syria. For all his bluster, what has Assad really done for
Palestinians? The Palestinian-Syrian refugees I spoke with
were as anti-Assad as any native-born Syrian, and it seems
that this is because they recognize that oppression is
oppression; it lacks any color, race, or religion and is its
own language.

With the continued perseverance of the Syrian people, the
fall of Bashar al-Assad is inevitable. But in order to
ensure this outcome, they must transcend the confessional,
political, economic, and ethnic boundaries that the Assad
regime is so keen to use against them, and rise as a united
whole. But perhaps most important of all is that they do so
without resorting to the same violence that characterizes
their opponent. The use of violence will represent a failure
of the revolution and a victory for Bashar al-Assad and the
false narrative he has created.

[Iara Lee is currently in post-production on her new
documentary, The Suffering Grasses, which was filmed at the
Syria-Turkey border.]

Photos: Photos from the Syria-Turkey Border from the Filming
of the 'Suffering Grasses' The present conflict in Syria is
a rather ugly mutation of the Arab uprisings that erupted
across the Middle East and North Africa over a year ago. As
in other countries, the uprising in Syria began with
peaceful demonstrations for democratic reform, only to
devolve into a violence that has now brought the country to
the brink of a full-blown civil war. With a regime that
still exercises considerable control over the population,
the prospects of such a war are grim, and the nature of the
conflict is likely to be protracted, complicated, and
bloody, with an equally uncertain aftermath if and when the
regime falls.

What the Assad regime doesn't realize (or perhaps does
understand, cynically) is that the refugee crisis occurring
is only fanning the flames of conflict. The types of
"extremists" he decries are born in refugee camps, and the
camps I've visited across the border, in southern Turkey,
are no exception. Tens of thousands of people have fled
their homes with fear, sadness, and hatred in their hearts,
and justifiably so: Most have witnessed unspeakable
brutality; watched their friends and family killed, raped,
or disappeared; and, in the face of such horrors, see no
room for negotiating with the regime anymore. And so they
find themselves abandoning the peaceful revolution and
supporting the Free Syrian Army (FSA), a nebulous entity
composed of defected soldiers, angry civilians, and,
sometimes, plain criminals. The FSA began as a collection of
soldiers who refused to fire on peacefully protesting
civilians, who then left the army and began to form militias
aimed at protecting these demonstrators. Soon, this purely
defensive function gave way to small raids and ambushes of
government troops, thereby fuelling the regime's claims that
protestors are not peaceful, and that they cannot be dealt
with peacefully.

Allowing violence to overtake the revolution would represent
a wholesale descent into passion, an abandonment of
strategic thought into what could be seen as miniature
version of a regime itself, a regime that brutalizes, lies,
and has lost its humanity altogether. Such a revolution
would not bode well for a successor regime. Already there is
some evidence of this taking place. Rumours abound that tell
of more desperate members of the opposition mimicking their
ugly opponent: creating and disseminating false videos and
propaganda, staging offensive operations against government
targets, and encouraging more violence, when their goal at
inception was to lessen violence, not inflame it.

While most Syrians desire a complete return to the peaceful
revolution that began over a year ago, the regime seems
quite content with an armed opposition, and rightly so:
Assad has been the recipient of billions of dollars in
sophisticated Russian military hardware, the kind that no
rebel group, or at least not this rebel group, could hope to
match. This also makes a Libya-style NATO intervention (as
some seem to desire) much more complicated, and not at all
productive in bringing about a truly peaceful, free Syria. A
military solution, for all practical purposes, does not
exist, at least not without destroying the nation it hopes
to liberate.

Amidst the violence, there are signs of hope. Women travel
through checkpoints from Damascus to Homs, smuggling
medicine under their abbayas; classrooms are improvised
wherever they can be found so that children can continue
their education despite the disruptive violence surrounding
them; children write poetry and make drawings of a dictator-
gone-mad who, contrary to mythology, does not stand up to
the Israelis or to the Americans but uses his tanks to kill
his own people. Peaceful resistance does not mean no
resistance, nor does it mean simply paper banners in the
street. Many refugees that I spoke to, private citizens of
Syria with no interest in political power, think peaceful
direct action, like general strikes, are capable of
paralyzing the country and wreaking havoc on the regime.
Should the revolution return to its peaceful origins, it is
likely to grow in size and intensity. Bashar al-Assad enjoys
very little popularity among his people, but it is the
violence -- of the regime and the opposition both -- that
has alienated so many into remaining silent.

Such peaceful resistance would be doubly effective in
conjunction with unanimous diplomatic force, which would
require that Russia and China participate in sanctions
against the Assad regime. Of course, this is where the
conflict becomes bigger and more complex, as Syria is itself
the unfortunate pawn in a larger power struggle. The Assad
regime's affiliation with Iran, and their relationship to
the two ascendant superpowers in the world (Russia and
China), put them at odds with the reigning (and waning)
superpower, the United States, and its chosen successor,
Israel. The geopolitical context of the Syrian crisis is now
causing rifts among international activists who are normally
unified in their opposition to American imperialism and
Israel's policies toward Palestine but now find themselves
on opposite sides of the divide when it comes to Syria and
the Assad regime. I find this baffling. In my mind, if you
believe in a free Palestine, you must also believe in a free
Syria. For all his bluster, what has Assad really done for
Palestinians? The Palestinian-Syrian refugees I spoke with
were as anti-Assad as any native-born Syrian, and it seems
that this is because they recognize that oppression is
oppression; it lacks any color, race, or religion and is its
own language.

With the continued perseverance of the Syrian people, the
fall of Bashar al-Assad is inevitable. But in order to
ensure this outcome, they must transcend the confessional,
political, economic, and ethnic boundaries that the Assad
regime is so keen to use against them, and rise as a united
whole. But perhaps most important of all is that they do so
without resorting to the same violence that characterizes
their opponent. The use of violence will represent a failure
of the revolution and a victory for Bashar al-Assad and the
false narrative he has created.

[Iara Lee is currently in post-production on her new
documentary, The Suffering Grasses, which was filmed at the
Syria-Turkey border.]

===

Photos from the Syria-Turkey Border from the Filming of 'The
Suffering Grasses" (8 different photos)

http://i.huffpost.com/gadgets/slideshows/226651/slide_226651_980731_sq50.jpg

http://i.huffpost.com/gadgets/slideshows/226651/slide_226651_980735_free.jpg

http://i.huffpost.com/gadgets/slideshows/226651/slide_226651_980737_free.jpg

http://i.huffpost.com/gadgets/slideshows/226651/slide_226651_980741_free.jpg

http://i.huffpost.com/gadgets/slideshows/226651/slide_226651_980744_free.jpg

http://i.huffpost.com/gadgets/slideshows/226651/slide_226651_980747_free.jpg

http://i.huffpost.com/gadgets/slideshows/226651/slide_226651_980749_free.jpg

http://i.huffpost.com/gadgets/slideshows/226651/slide_226651_980752_free.jpg

===

About the film:

Over a year later, with thousands dead and counting, the
ongoing conflict in Syria has become a microcosm for the
complicated politics of the region and an unsavory
reflection of the world at large. Against the backdrop of
the Arab Spring, NATO's toppling of Muammar Gaddafi in
Libya, and the complicated politics of the region, this film
seeks to explore the Syrian conflict through the humanity of
the civilians who have been killed, abused, and displaced to
the squalor of refugee camps. In all such conflicts, large
and small, it is civilians -- women and children, families
and whole communities -- who suffer at the leisure of those
in power. While focusing on the plight of those caught in
the crossfire of the hegemons, we seek to unravel the
conflict by exploring the motivations of its actors: the
Ba'athist regime of Bashar al-Assad, the Free Syrian Army,
and other geopolitical players like the United States,
Israel, Russia, China, Iran, Lebanon, Turkey, and the Gulf
countries. When elephants go to war, it is the grass that
suffers. This is a film about the elephants, but made for
the grasses.

==========

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