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PORTSIDE  April 2012, Week 4

PORTSIDE April 2012, Week 4

Subject:

Unions and Environmentalists: Get It Together!

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Unions and Environmentalists: Get It Together!
Jane McAlevey
April 18, 2012
This article appeared in the May 7, 2012 edition of
The Nation.
http://www.thenation.com/article/167460/unions-and-environmentalists-get-it-together
 
No one wants to dwell on the faults of a successful
campaign. Featuring mass celebrity arrests and dramatic
images of thousands encircling the White House, last
year's struggle to halt the Keystone XL pipeline has
come to be regarded as a model of progressive activism
in the Obama era. But the Keystone campaign also holds a
sobering lesson for progressives: The "blue-green
alliance" between labor and environmentalists is on life
support, and unless it can be revived, this fight may
yet be lost-along with many other climate battles down
the road.

At the height of the Keystone debate, four unions stood
with the titans of the fossil fuel industry to lambaste
progressive environmentalists as extremist job killers.
The Laborers International Union of North America
(LIUNA) president, Terry O'Sullivan, went so far as to
describe unionists who opposed the climate-destroying
pipeline as being "under the skirts of delusional
environmental groups which stand in the way of creating
good, much needed American jobs."

This January, when President Obama again rejected the
expedited construction of the pipeline, O'Sullivan
doubled down, saying, "We're repulsed by some of our
supposed brothers and sisters lining up with job killers
like the Sierra Club and the Natural Resources Defense
Council to destroy the lives of working men and women."

It was clear who O'Sullivan was talking about: the
Amalgamated Transit Union (ATU) and the Transport
Workers Union (TWU), which had dared to stand with
environmental allies against Keystone. O'Sullivan's
vicious attacks on his fellow unionists were not even
acknowledged by other labor officials until LIUNA and
the building trades unions began running advertisements
in Midwestern swing states attacking the president. It
was only then that AFL-CIO president Richard Trumka
noted the tension, explaining that "unions don't agree
among ourselves."

By that point, the industry had succeeded in casting the
entire house of labor in the Keystone XL camp, with
American Petroleum Institute's Jack Gerard declaring,
"We will stand shoulder to shoulder with labor unions
that have backed the pipeline, including the Teamsters
and the AFL-CIO's Building and Construction Trades
Department." The public perception of unified labor
support for the pipeline persists-bolstering the
industry's fearmongering about the threat to the economy
posed by environmentalists and their penchant for job-
killing regulations, and souring labor's relations with
progressive allies in the environmental movement at a
moment when unions are under broad assault and
desperately need support.

Why, after decades of talk about the importance of a
labor-environmental alliance, can't the blues and the
greens get it together?

* * *

Let's leave aside, for now, the way that mainstream
environmentalism has proven tone-deaf to class issues
over the years. It's equally important to understand
that, from Marxists to mainstreamers, few union leaders
believe any issue really matters except unions. Joe
Uehlein, former secretary-treasurer of the Industrial
Union Department of the AFL-CIO, and recently the
founder of a new Labor Network for Sustainability (a
network of 6,000 grassroots labor and sustainability
activists), underscored this point. "When I was putting
this new network together, I met systematically with
fifteen presidents of major unions in America," he said.
"Of the fifteen I met with, not one said their union
should be working on the climate issue. They just didn't
see it as their work."

This deeply held belief is on some level understandable
in a labor movement that is itself staring down
extinction. But overcoming this attitude among unionists
is more critical by the day, as the planet's prognosis
grows ever more dire. To move past the divisive politics
of the Keystone battle, it is imperative that we find a
way to build a movement that puts both economic justice
and climate action at the center of its demands.

This is not a new challenge. Thirty years ago this year,
a book called Fear at Work: Job Blackmail, Labor and the
Environment, by Richard Kazis and Richard Grossman, was
published in an attempt to get labor and
environmentalists to realize that they share common
enemies and common goals. Grossman had been running an
organization aptly called Environmentalists for Full
Employment. The book showed how key institutions of the
corporate class sought to destroy both movements through
an assault on labor and environmental regulations: "In
conjunction with a reinvigorated U.S. Chamber of
Commerce, the National Association of Manufacturers, and
a long list of trade associations and lobbying groups,
the [Business] Roundtable has spearheaded an intense
campaign against both recently-won environmental and
health rights and older labor protections." Since its
founding in 1972, the Roundtable has been wildly
successful in this effort. But labor and
environmentalists remain mired in their old mindsets,
operating in large part as separate movements with
distinct adversaries and goals.

Fear at Work systematically debunks many of the myths
still present in today's debates. "The Reagan
administration and its allies have been capitalizing on
today's economic crisis to widen the split between labor
and environmentalists over `jobs,' while cynically
attacking rights and protections that have been won by
both movements. The assault on labor and environmental
protections will intensify. As in the past, `jobs' will
be the rationalization for new antiworker, anti-
environmental policies." Progressives in 2012 would do
well to make Fear at Work a sort of reference guide for
how we respond to these tactics. Some of today's greens
might be enlightened by its discussion of why job
security is such a fundamental issue for unionists-
especially construction unions. Unlike in other unions,
construction union leaders represent their members
whether or not they are employed. And unemployed members
retain all the rights of membership, including voting in
union elections for-or against-those leaders.

Kazis, reflecting recently on how the situation has
evolved since the publication of Fear at Work, said,
"It's the same picture. The issues are the same, the use
of job blackmail is the same, the way over-inflated
arguments about job creation potential are the same,
wild misestimates of the cost of clean-ups is the same,
all the tried and true divide-and-conquer techniques are
the same, but what has changed is the relative political
power and salience of both movements we were talking
about." Unions and environmentalists, in other words,
have lost ground, while industry has triumphed.

Part of the problem is that, although many progressive
environmentalists understand that unions are essential
to taking on capitalism, most self-identified greens
don't really get the working class. Kenny Bruno, a lead
campaigner in the Tar Sands coalition, says, "Most
environmentalists do care about jobs, but they are so
nervous when they talk about unions and workers that
it's like Mitt Romney talking about money-they don't
know how to express themselves without putting their
foot in their mouths."

In recent interviews, key climate change campaigners
celebrated their collaboration with the unions that had
officially opposed the Keystone XL. They are right, of
course, but there are still only two unions that oppose
the pipeline, the ATU and the TWU. And the two transport
unions together total one-third of the Laborers Union
members-a tiny fraction if you add in the Teamsters and
the other two unions campaigning in favor of the
pipeline. Yes, Domestic Workers United joined in
opposition late in the fall. But while DWU represents
hope for a future labor movement, it isn't a union yet;
it has no dues-paying members and is not seen as a union
by the house of labor.

* * *

Climate champions like Bill McKibben of 350.org have
spoken out for union causes, but most greens rarely
endeavor to take up an outright defense of workers,
never mind their unions. But to counter the industry's
wedge strategy, climate activists need to build an
immediate and just response to the jobs issue directly
into their campaign. The anti-Keystone movement should
have demanded that millions of dollars go immediately
into a mini-stimulus package for climate-related
infrastructure work along the same route as the
pipeline. This means victory would not have been
declared until the 5,000 unemployed workers who
shouldn't be building the pipeline are hired in a one-
time stimulus for the exact same workers. It means the
"victory lap" would be somewhere in Nebraska at a
shovel-ready site with 5,000 construction workers going
to work fixing broken bridges, expanding high-speed
Internet access into rural areas or fixing up
agricultural damage. This would speak to the needs of
the 17 percent of workers in construction who are
unemployed-a legitimate concern of the labor leaders who
have played such a destructive role in this debate.

Despite the amount of airtime given to "green jobs,"
neither labor nor environmentalists have committed
themselves to a meaningful green jobs agenda. Instead,
environmentalists slap the word "job" onto anything they
hope to win labor's support for, and unions affix the
word "green" with equally low standards. Uehlein says,
"The green jobs issue is a red herring. It's like unions
doing what corporations do when they file sustainability
reports; building a nuclear power plant can be called a
green job by these standards. This dynamic in labor
where we've never met a job we didn't like has got to
change."

* * *

Blue-green enthusiasts are quick to point to recent
examples of successful cooperation. Notable achievements
include labor and environmental collaboration to improve
fuel efficiency standards in autos and support for
renewables in the stimulus package. And in Washington
State, according to a report by Mark Hertsgaard in
Mother Jones, community activists, with the help of the
Sierra Club's Beyond Coal campaigners, brokered a deal
to close a toxin-belching coal plant-and guarantee that
all 150 workers would not lose their jobs. The
environmentalists led the effort to expand protections
for the workers, and in the end, both sides got what
they wanted. Fear at Work outlines two dozen such
examples from the 1970s.

But like the famed "Teamster and Turtle" alliance in the
Seattle World Trade Organization protests in 1999, these
examples of successful collaboration are short-lived and
episodic. They are also mostly local. At the national
level, polarizing fights like Keystone that leave deep
wounds have been the norm.

To halt climate change and create good jobs, two
strategies are essential. The first is that we must
embrace a new notion of active solidarity at the
national level. When unions declare that an issue is
life or death, and call on progressive allies to come
support them-as they did when public workers were under
attack in Wisconsin and Ohio last year-their allies must
respond, whether or not they have anything directly at
stake, and even if they actually have something to lose.
Likewise, when union-sympathizing environmentalists
declare that an issue is life or death, the house of
labor must show discipline, take on the hard issue
internally, and respect that call for solidarity.
Keystone XL was the environmental movement's Wisconsin
and Ohio.

This proposal for a new solidarity runs directly counter
to O'Sullivan's statement on March 10, "If there's
legislation or a project that's good for another union,
and my members don't have equity in the work, I'm going
to be supportive or I'm going to say nothing." This
thinking is as outdated as environmentalists ignoring
job security. Note to O'Sullivan: everyone on this
planet has "equity" in projects that will rapidly
advance the onslaught of climate change.

Holding national players accountable to this strategy
won't be easy, but labor unions and environmentalists
would do well to take a page from the playbook Planned
Parenthood used after the Susan G. Komen Foundation cut
off its funding. Planned Parenthood unleashed a
grassroots fury against a player in the women's health
movement that had acted against the interests of the
broader women's health movement. By contrast, on January
19 four unions, including the CWA, Steelworkers, SEIU
and the UAW, joined the two transit unions in a brief
statement "supporting President Obama" in his decision
to delay the pipeline, but the statement did not oppose
the pipeline and did not challenge O'Sullivan's
behavior. Such timid gestures are insufficient against
the ferocious might of the fossil fuel industry.

The second strategy is to build support from the ground
up to force changes in the labor movement's position on
these issues, as Uehlein's Labor Network for
Sustainability is doing. Uehlein and his team have
studied how during the civil rights era, change came
from the base of the unions, not the top. "Where labor
is on climate today is where labor was on civil rights
in the late 1950s," notes Uehlein. Similarly, a
grassroots rank-and-file strategy worked well over the
past decade for antiwar union activists-leading,
ultimately, to the AFL-CIO's call for an end to the Iraq
and Afghanistan wars.

The environmental justice movement has long made the
connections that expose "jobs versus environment" as a
false dichotomy. This movement is working-class and
multiracial. It "gets" unions-and knows how to engage in
the real organizing that makes lasting change. But since
1991, when 1,000 grassroots activists held the First
National Environmental Justice People of Color Summit,
where grassroots activists challenged funders to put
their money into the base and not the Big Ten green
groups, most major funders have instead continued to
pour their resources into the national environmental
movement, which has invested in poll-tested messaging
and communication strategies. Absent organizers holding
face-to-face conversations with millions of people, the
marketing approach leaves the population vulnerable to
the next poll-tested message-the one that comes from BP
or Exxon or the Koch Brothers.

The movement to halt Keystone must confront its own
weaknesses if it is to achieve lasting victory. The
executive director of 350.org, May Boeve, says, "We are
running against the oil industry, against the fossil
fuel industry, and they are the biggest force in
American politics, so even when we had a big victory,
barely one week went by before the entire thing was back
on the drawing board." Just eight weeks after Obama's
second rejection of the Keystone XL pipeline, the
portion that runs from the Canadian Tar Sands to
Oklahoma, he announced his support for the second half
of the pipeline, the portion that will transport oil
from Oklahoma to refineries in the Gulf of Mexico.
Worse, his speech in Oklahoma outlined his "All of the
Above Energy Policy," which will expand the production
of fossil fuels, not curtail it.

The environmental community expresses its disappointment
about Obama on climate, while the labor elite grumbles
about Obama's failure to make good on his promise to
help unions organize more workers, but neither movement
has been successful at creating a base that demands the
changes the country desperately needs. Both movements
have been devoted to single-issue advocacy, and they
share a reluctance to trust that people outside
Washington, DC, if given resources, can make change
happen.

Lasting change happens when massive numbers of people
are moved to shelve their daily lives and create a
credible threat to the power establishment. People's
expectations for a better life need to be raised, not
crushed, for this to occur. But as Fear at Work made
clear thirty years ago, asking Americans to save the
planet by killing jobs is a losing strategy. So, too, is
asking people to blindly support the corporate class's
agenda of creating jobs that kill the planet and line
the pockets of the 1 percent. No strategic failure could
be more obvious and better funded.

We need to forge a movement to save the planet and jobs
at the same time. The sooner greens and unionists
realize this, the better-for them both.

___________________________________________

Portside aims to provide material of interest to people
on the left that will help them to interpret the world
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