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PORTSIDE  April 2012, Week 4

PORTSIDE April 2012, Week 4

Subject:

The Phases of War: Afghanistan, Iraq, Iran, and Israel

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The Phases of War: Afghanistan, Iraq, Iran, and Israel
Phyllis Bennis

April 2012
http://www.tni.org/article/phases-war-afghanistan-iraq-
iran-and-israel

The U.S. is 11 years into its current war in Afghanistan
and still losing. We never had a chance to "win" this war
of vengeance - and while few in Washington are ready to
admit that, they've continued to revise and redefine just
what "winning" might look like.

It certainly doesn't look much like what we're seeing in
Afghanistan today. A feckless, corrupt, incompetent
government kept alive and in place (we can't really say
"in power" since its reach doesn't extend much beyond
Kabul) by billions of U.S. taxpayer dollars and tens of
thousands of U.S. and allied troops. Escalating, not
diminishing violence against civilians. More frequent and
more deadly incidents involving U.S. troops out of
control, from burning Qu'rans to urinating on the bodies
of dead Afghans, to the most recent war crime, the murder
of 17 civilians including 9 children in Kandahar.

No surprise that the number of Afghan soldiers turning
their guns on their U.S. and NATO "trainers" is rising
too. Fox News is reporting that "U.S. troops in
Afghanistan now have far-reaching new protections against
rogue killers among their Afghan allies, including
assigned 'guardian angels,' fellow troops who will watch
over them as they sleep... In several Afghan ministries,
Americans are now allowed to carry weapons. And they have
been instructed to rearrange their office desks there to
face the door, so they can see who is coming in, said the
official." To paraphrase my colleague Steve Burns at the
Wisconsin Network for Peace & Justice, is this changing
deck chairs on the Titanic or what?

The phases of war

I was at a conference a couple of days ago with the great
anti-war military scholar Andrew Bacevich. He described
wars like that in Afghanistan coming in phases - Chapter 1
is liberation - or in this case domination, since
liberation lost. Chapter 2 is counter-insurgency, and that
one didn't do so well either. Chapter 3, he said, has
moved to targeted assassinations, the drone war and beyond
(actually WAY beyond Afghanistan...). Bacevich also reminded
us that wars don't end when one side proclaims victory -
they end when the defeated admit that they lost. That
reality speaks volumes to the current U.S. interest in
negotiating an end to the war with the Taliban - and what
face-saving in Washington might have to do with it.

The killing of U.S. troops by their ostensible allies in
the Afghan military now make up 20 percent of all the U.S.
combat deaths this year. Somehow, though, we never hear
that the Afghan soldier who turns his gun on a U.S.
soldier has "snapped" - that maybe he has post-traumatic
stress disorder ( PTSD), that maybe he was so enraged
because he saw his baby daughter killed in a drone strike
the night before and he lost control. No, we only hear
that "the Taliban must have infiltrated" the Afghan army
or police. PTSD is apparently only for trained soldiers on
our side. Except that in a 2009 UN-backed survey, the
Afghan government's own Ministry of Health estimated that
66 percent - a full two-thirds - of the Afghan population,
suffers from a variety of mental illnesses, most of them
stress-related and including PTSD.

There's a great deal of talk about Sgt. Robert Bales, the
apparent gunman in the villages in Kandahar, and whether
he had PTSD or other impairments. And we're right to be
concerned about the still-inadequate care U.S. veterans
get when they come home - soldiers can be simultaneously
victim and war criminal. (Iraq Veterans Against the War
have mobilized their Operation Recovery campaign to defend
soldiers' right to heal before being redeployed - a
campaign that also denies the Pentagon access to these
young instruments of battle for illegal wars.) But we
shouldn't forget that those 2/3 of Afghans - something
like 20 million people - face PTSD or other mental
disorders with only FORTY-TWO psychiatrists and
psychologists in the entire country. I talked about this
reality on NPR's The Diane Rehm Show last week, as well as
the potential consequences for U.S. policy and decisions
about ending the U.S. war in Afghanistan. You can follow
the link i f you want to listen or read the transcript.
(And it would be great if you comment too...)

War crimes and the public

That most recent massive U.S. war crime in Afghanistan,
the murder of 17 in Balandi and Alkozai villages in
Kandahar, may have been part of the reason for the
continuing rise in public opposition to the war. On March
26 the New York Times reported that 69 percent of people
in the U.S. think we should not be at war in Afghanistan -
that's 16 percent higher than just four months ago. That's
huge.

We know how difficult it's been over these years to change
public opinion about Afghanistan. When the U.S. began
bombing Afghanistan on October 7, 2001, 88 percent of
Americans supported it. It was the "good war." President
Obama said Iraq was the "dumb" war - but within weeks of
his inauguration he sent 22,000 additional troops to
Afghanistan, before even beginning high-level discussions
about what the future of that war should be. Then of
course he ordered a 30,000 troop surge later that year. So
69 percent opposition is huge.

The question now is how to turn that shift of public
opinion into a shift in public policy. We know from Iraq
how hard that is. Opposition to the war in Iraq was up in
the 69 percent area years ago - and yet only now we're
seeing a more-or-less end to most of the direct U.S.
military role in Iraq. (Not entirely ended, of course, but
still certainly a victory for anti-war forces here at
home, in Iraq, and around the world.)

Iraq war - Nine years on and almost ending

Last week was the 9th anniversary of that war. And looking
back, it's clearer than ever that the U.S. failed to
achieve any of its goals. I don't mean the lying goals,
the fake goals, of finding weapons of mass destruction or
bringing democracy to Iraq. I mean the real goals, the
ones that kept hundreds of thousands of U.S. troops and
hundreds of thousands of Pentagon-paid mercenaries in Iraq
for so many years:

Consolidating U.S. control over Iraqi oil - nope, U.S. oil
companies are just some among many of the myriad of
foreign interests in Iraq's oil fields. 

Leaving behind a pro-U.S. government in Baghdad - hardly,
Prime Minister Maliki is barely on speaking terms with
anyone in Washington.
 
Permanent access to U.S. bases across Iraq - not even
close, every one of the several hundred bases was either
closed down or turned over to the Iraqi government; even
the giant 5,000-person embassy, biggest in the world, had
to be scaled back when Iraq refused to guarantee immunity
to enough U.S. troops to protect it.
Creating a government and military more accountable to the
U.S. than to Iran - oops, seems we got that one wrong too;
despite continuing billions of dollars of our tax money to
prop it up, Baghdad today is allied more closely to Iran
than to the U.S. 

So the U.S. lost in Iraq too. Iraq hasn't been "liberated"
- violence is rampant, the sectarian violence resulting
from early U.S. policies after the 2003 invasion continues
to escalate. And U.S.-paid contractors (paid by the State
Dept this round, instead of the Pentagon, that's the
technical difference) are still there. Thousands of them.
What's not there, so far, is one dollar for reparations or
compensation. That's the battle that lies ahead. The U.S.
war in Iraq may be over, but our responsibilities are not.

The Washington Peace Center hosted a wonderful
commemoration of the anniversary on the night of March 19,
with veterans of both the war and the anti-war battles
telling stories, talking about how the war itself and the
anti-war mobilizations that tried to stop the war affected
them. Here's the link to video of the event. Andy Shallal
and I talked about what we face today, Andy focusing on
the continuing crisis affecting ordinary Iraqis, I talked
about why I think the end of the war, uneven and ragged as
it remains, really is a victory for our global movement,
and what's different between the Iraq war and the looming
threat of a new war in Iran.

Iran: New war looming?

That threat isn't over. The big difference this time
around is that people in power - in the White House, in
the Pentagon, in all of the U.S. intelligence agencies,
even most of the security and intelligence people in
Israel - all agree that

1) Iran doesn't have a nuclear weapon; 
2) Iran is not building a nuclear weapon; 
3) Iran hasn't even made the decision of whether or not to
build a weapon in the future. 
And yet. The risk of a war "against Iranian nuclear
weapons" continues to rise.

This time, it's all about Israel

Israeli Prime Minister Netanyahu continues to ratchet up
the rhetoric and the threats against Iran - knowing that
in an election year, the likelihood of a U.S. president or
Congress refusing to back/support/participate in an
Israeli military strike, regardless of how dangerous, is
virtually non-existent. What does Israel get out of it?
(Hint: it's not safety from some "existential" threat).
Israel gets to preserve its nuclear weapons monopoly in
the Middle East - losing that monopoly is the real danger
Israeli officials worry about. That's why the call for a
Nuclear Weapons Free Zone in the Middle East is so
important - to make sure no one in the region has a
nuclear weapon. That certainly includes Iran, which
doesn't have one and isn't trying to build one. And it
would include Israel, whose uninspected and unacknowledged
arsenal of 200-400 high density nuclear bombs remains the
biggest cause of arms racing in this arms-glutted part of
the world.

It's also true that Netanyahu desperately wants a
different president in the White House next year. Despite
Obama's actual history of giving Israel more military aid,
greater protection in the UN, tighter military ties, and
fewer consequences for expanding settlements than almost
any other president, Netanyahu knows that any Republican
in the White House would represent an even greater gift to
Tel Aviv. And only Israel and AIPAC, the most powerful
part of the pro-Israel lobbies that now represent the most
right-wing extremist elements of Israeli politics, stand
to benefit.

And oh by the way. Does anyone really think that as long
as Israel can play the "we face an existential danger"
card, anyone in Washington is likely to even consider
putting serious pressure on Tel Aviv to end its occupation
and apartheid policies towards Palestinians? Let's see
hands...

I've been talking about that a lot lately, including at
the Occupy AIPAC teach-in that paralleled AIPAC's annual
convention. My piece in Salon.com was called "Obama Goes
to AIPAC: A Scorecard." My assessment is that despite
President Obama's and assorted congressmembers' craven
speeches and obeisance to AIPAC, Netanyahu left Washington
without achieving his biggest goal: a clear U.S.
commitment to support war in Iran. So far, rationality has
won out; the danger is, today's rationality may be
trounced by tomorrow's extremism running amok. I talked
about the Obama-Netanyahu dangers on The Real News - it's
a scary story.

Who does not want war with Iran?

One of the most useful tools in mobilizing opposition to
war in Iran comes from the statements of top U.S. and
Israeli officials themselves:

Secretary of Defense Leon Panetta asked and answered his
own Iran question: "Are they trying to develop a nuclear
weapon? No." 

Director of National Intelligence James R. Clapper, Jr.
admitted the U.S. does not even know "if Iran will
eventually decide to build nuclear weapons."
The latest 2011 National Intelligence Estimate makes clear
there is no new evidence to challenge the 2007
conclusions; Iran still does not have a nuclear weapons
program in operation. 

According to the Independent, "almost the entire senior
hierarchy of Israel's military and security establishment
is worried about a premature attack on Iran and
apprehensive about the possible repercussions." 
Dangers continue. Syria remains catastrophic - I talked
with Voice of America about how dangerous it would be to
repeat a Libya-style U.S.-NATO campaign to arm the
opposition and further militarize the situation. That
doesn't look likely right now, but the resistance movement
in Syria still faces huge challenges, made even more
difficult by militarization.

Phyllis Bennis
Director of the New Internationalism Project at the
Institute for Policy Studies

Phyllis Bennis is a fellow of both TNI and the Institute
for Policy Studies in Washington DC where she directs
IPS's New Internationalism Project.

___________________________________________

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