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PORTSIDELABOR  December 2011, Week 1

PORTSIDELABOR December 2011, Week 1

Subject:

FROM PLANTON TO OCCUPY

From:

Portside Labor <[log in to unmask]>

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Date:

Wed, 7 Dec 2011 20:28:04 -0500

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FROM PLANTON TO OCCUPY
Unions and Immigrants and the Occupy Movement
By David Bacon

http://www.truth-out.org/unions-and-immigrants-join-occupy-movements/1323183717

OAKLAND, CA  (12/5/11) -- When Occupy Seattle called its
tent camp "Planton Seattle," camp organizers were laying
a local claim to a set of tactics used for decades by
social movements in Mexico, Central America and the
Philippines.  And when immigrant janitors marched down
to the detention center in San Diego and called their
effort Occupy ICE (the initials of the Immigration and
Custom Enforcement agency responsible for mass
deportations), people from countries with that planton
tradition were connecting it to the Occupy movement
here.



The banners at Occupy Seattle

        This shared culture and history offer new
possibilities to the Occupy movement for survival and
growth at a time when the Federal law enforcement
establishment, in cooperation with local police
departments and municipal governments, has uprooted many
tent encampments.  Different Occupy groups from Wall
Street to San Francisco have begun to explore their
relationship with immigrant social movements in the
U.S., and to look more closely at the actions of the 1%
beyond our borders that produces much of the pressure
for migration. 
   Reacting to the recent evictions, the Coalition for
the Political Rights of Mexicans Abroad recently sent a
support letter to Occupy Wall Street and the other camps
under attack.  "We greet your movement," it declared,
"because your struggle against the suppression of human
rights and against social and economic injustice has
been a fundamental part of our struggle, that of the
Mexican people who cross borders, and the millions of
Mexican migrants who live in the United States."
     Many of those migrants living in the U.S. know the
tradition of the planton and how it's used at home.  And
they know that the 1%, whose power is being challenged
on Wall Street, also designed the policies that are the
very reason why immigrants are living in the U.S. to
begin with.  Mike Garcia, president of United Service
Workers West/SEIU, the union that organized Occupy ICE,
described immigrant janitors as "displaced workers of
the new global economic order, an order led by the West
and the United States in particular."
       Criminalizing the act of camping out in a public
space is intended, at least in part, to keep a planton
tradition from acquiring the same legitimacy in the U.S.
that it has in other countries.  That right to a planton
was not freely conceded by the rulers of Mexico, El
Salvador or the Philippines, however -- no more than it
has been conceded here.  The 99% of those countries had
to fight for it. 
Two of the biggest battles of modern Mexican political
history were fought in the Tlatelolco Plaza, where
hundreds of students were gunned down in 1968, and three
years later in Mexico City streets where more were
beaten and shot by the paramilitary Halcones.  In both
El Salvador and the Philippines, strikers have a
tradition of living at the gates of the factory or
enterprise where they work.  But even today that right
must be defended against the police, and (at least until
the recent election of the Funes and Aquino governments)
even the military.
        Plantons or encampments don't stand alone.  They
are tactics used by unions, students, farmers,
indigenous organizations and other social movements. 
Each planton is a visible piece of a movement or
organization -- a much larger base.  When the plantons
are useful to those movements, they defend them.  That
connection between planton and movement, between the
encampment and its social base, is as important as
holding the physical space on which the tents are
erected.
        
        For the last two years that relationship has
been very clear in the Zocalo, Mexico City's huge
central plaza.  During that time, fired members of
Mexico's independent leftwing electrical workers union,
the SME, have lived in a succession of plantons. 
They've often been elaborate, with kitchens, meeting
rooms and communications centers, in addition to the
tents where people slept and ate. 
        At various time, the SME encampment was one of
several in the huge square.  A year ago the workers were
joined by indigenous Triqui and Mixtec women from
Oaxaca, who protested the violence used by their state's
previous governor against teachers' strikes and rural
organizations.  The social movement in Oaxaca, which the
women represented in Mexico City, grew strong enough to
finally knock the old ruling party, the PRI, from the
governorship it had held for almost 80 years.
   In the Zocalo plantons, people from different
organizations mix it up.  Last September's Day of the
Indignant brought together people from very diverse
movements.  Some see electoral politics as a vehicle for
change, but many indigenous activists and SME members
don't.  Even among those who do, there are deep
disagreements over how to participate in the electoral
process. 
But the people in the Zocalo have two things in common. 
Different plantons may not see every political question
eye-to-eye, but each represents a social movement in the
world outside the plaza.  And the planton itself has
value primarily because it forces public attention to
focus on the crisis that has led each group to set up
its encampment.
      The SME workers used their plantons to dramatize
repression by the Federal government.  When Mexican
President Felipe Calderon dissolved the state-run power
company for central Mexico and fired its 44,000
employees, he sought to destroy their union and move
towards the privatization of the electrical system -- to
benefit Mexican and foreign 1%ers. A year ago, several
SME members conducted a hunger strike at the planton
that generated front page headlines for weeks, and
lasted so long that doctors warned participants they
were risking death.  At the height of the protest, the
union battled police in front of the power stations, as
it tried to exercise its legal right to strike and
picket. 
        The planton and the movement outside it were
intimately connected.  The hunger strikers were few, but
spoke for a union of tens of thousands of workers.  In
the end, the SME negotiated the removal of its last
planton in return for government acknowledgement of its
right to exist.  It organized other unions to resist the
government's assault on labor rights, and mobilized
electricity consumers to protest rising bills and cuts
in service.  The planton helped to focus attention on
these demands, and to pull the union's allies into
action.
   Clearly someone in Seattle knows this tradition of
plantons in the Zocalo, perhaps even as a participant. 
When the painter made the Seattle banner, she or he also
included, right next to the word "planton", the
anarchists' "A" with the circle around it.  This symbol
was a reminder of another aspect of cross-border
fertilization.  Many anarchists or anarcho-syndicalists
-- members of the Industrial Workers of the World -
fought in the Mexican Revolution.  Because of that
revolutionary upheaval, even today, almost a century
later, ordinary Mexicans expect certain rights,
including the right to set up a tent in the Zocalo. 
U.S. workers crossed the border to fight alongside
Mexicans in that insurrection long ago, for a government
that would acknowledge that right.  The planton,
therefore, is a common heritage, with a history that
makes it as legitimate on Wall Street as it is in Mexico
City.
        Not long after the OWS camp was set up in
Zuccotti Park, the planton/occupy movement crossed the
U.S./Mexico border.  In Tijuana, home to a million
people, mostly displaced migrants from Mexico's south,
activists came together and set up an occupation on the
grassy median of the Paseo de los Heroes.  Their tents
were pitched in the middle of the Zona del Rio, where
the city's 1% meet in fancy hotels and work in
government offices.  Then, on October 18 police reacted
even earlier than they did in most U.S. cities,
arresting two dozen activists at the urging of local
businessmen.  Occupy Tijuana condemned the detentions,
declaring, "We are not assassins, delinquents, tramps or
crooks."

        In the U.S. we have our own history of defending
public space for protest, and it isn't necessary to
reach back a hundred years to find it.  In just the last
few decades, immigrant workers have popularized the use
of the planton here, helping unions recover the militant
tactics of their own past.  In 1992 immigrants trying to
join the United Electrical Workers mounted the first
strike among production workers in Silicon Valley, and
set up a planton and conducted a hunger strike to
pressure their employer.  A year later other Latino
immigrants in San Francisco erected their tents on the
sidewalk in front of Sprint's headquarters, after their
workplace was closed days before they were scheduled to
vote in a union election.  
        A decade ago anti-globalization activists and
unions shut down the meeting of the World Trade
Organization in Seattle.  Young protestors chained their
arms together inside metal pipes, and lay down in the
intersections of downtown Seattle.  Tens of thousands
took over the streets.  Other anti-globalization
protests followed, in which activists battled for their
right to use public space to challenge the international
policies of the 1%. 
       Working=class support for the battle in Seattle
had its roots in the impact of the North American Free
Trade Agreement.  Workers could see the cost of free
trade in the loss of their own jobs, as production moved
south.  Over the last two decades, many have also
discovered that those same agreements and policies
didn't make Mexicans better off, but led to their
impoverishment as well.
     NAFTA and free market policies forced on developing
countries produced opportunities for banks and
corporations to reap profits.  They drove down wages,
forced farmers off their land, and destroyed the unions
and livelihood of millions of people.  This system was
designed on Wall Street, by the same bankers Occupiers
hold responsible for the current crisis of foreclosures
and unemployment in the U.S.  The current economic
crisis doesn't stop at the border.  In fact in Mexico,
Central America, the Philippines and elsewhere, it's
been a fact of life for a long time.  This is the source
of forced migration -- what Garcia condemned at Occupy
ICE.
      The 99% live in all those countries where free
trade agreements and structural adjustment policies are
imposed.  They also live in the communities of people
who have come here as a result.  Who, then, are more
natural allies for Occupy protestors than people who've
been on the receiving end of these policies for years?
        In New York this connection wasn't lost on
Occupy Wall Street.  In October a group, Occupy Wall
Street - Espanol was formed at the first Asemblea en
Espanol.  They, in turn, translated the first issue of
the Occupied Wall Street Journal.  Participants formed a
subgroup, Occupy Wall Street Latinoamericano to spread
the movement to Spanish-speaking communities,
recognizing that the city is home to so many Mexicans
from the state of Puebla that its nickname is
PueblaYork, as well as much older established
communities of Puerto Ricans, Colombians, Ecuadorians
and other Spanish-speaking people.  The group will soon
publish the first issue of its own newspaper, with
articles talking about immigration, globalization, and
the specific attacks by the 1% on Latinos.
        Claudia Villegas, a women's rights activist
working with the group Occupy Wall Street
Latinoamericano, helped organize a demonstration of
immigrant women four days after police raided the
Zuccotti Park encampment.  "We decided to change our
original plan for a march because we were afraid they
would stop it," she says.  "Nevertheless, 23
organizations participated including women's rights
groups and above all, those working with immigrant
women."
      In San Francisco a joint march of immigrant
activists and Occupy participants helped to defend that
city's encampment.  In the general assembly meeting
preceding it participants talked about the city's offer
to move the Occupiers into an abandoned building in the
Latino Mission District several miles away.  Few wanted
to give up the camp on Justin Herman Plaza, and most
felt the city was just trying to move them out of sight.
 But many people also felt that having an Occupy camp in
the barrio was a good idea.
        "We're still really working in parallel,"
Villegas says.  She draws attention to the potential
power of the immigrant rights movement, and what it
could mean to OWS.  "We have to include the movement
that began in 2006, when there were hundreds of
thousands of people in the streets across this country. 
People were reacting to the injustice of the system then
too."  They're separate movements, though, she warns,
and "our agenda has to come from immigrants themselves. 
We need to integrate, and at the same time the Occupy
movement has to learn to accept us.  But we're all on
the same path."

        Bringing the immigrant and Occupy movements
together means more than setting up an encampment.  The
San Diego demonstration didn't set up an overnight camp,
but it brought thousands of workers and supporters down
to the ICE detention center to protest the firings of
immigrant janitors. 
The Occupy ICE protest was intended to draw public
attention to the Federal government's immigration
enforcement strategy that requires employers to fire
undocumented workers.  In Southern California, the
multinational corporations who clean office buildings
are terminating 2000 union members.  Earlier waves of
firings have targeted unionized building cleaners in
Minneapolis, Seattle and San Francisco, sewing machine
operators in Los Angeles, food service workers on
university campuses, and thousands of others.
        Garcia says ICE and the employers are in
collusion.  After firing union janitors with high
seniority and benefits, using immigration status as a
pretext, the companies can then hire new workers at
lower wages with fewer benefits.  "To hide their greed
the commercial real estate industry has used the tools
of government to confuse and divide the 99%," he
charges. "They first said we were unskilled workers who
should be happy to be working. They then weakened worker
protections to make organizing virtually impossible.
Over the last decade the industry has used immigration
as a wedge to intimidate and, if need be, replace our
workers.  ICE is doing what the 1% corporate real estate
industry wants: using immigration laws to recycle well
paid janitors in the hopes of taking back gains in pay
and benefits our union has won."  [Ironically the week
USWW organized Occupy ICE its parent union, SEIU,
endorsed the reelection of President Obama, who is
responsible for the ICE policy of firing workers.] 
        For Occupy, defending workers under attack is a
way to survive, grow roots and develop a strong base. 
That's not always the direction activists take, however.
 Near Oakland, over two hundred immigrant workers at the
largest foundry on the west coast, Pacific Steel Casting
in Berkeley, are being fired in another "silent raid"
like that hitting the janitors.  Through the summer and
fall, foundry workers went to city councils, unions,
churches and community organizations, seeking help to
pressure ICE not to force them from their jobs.  Their
campaign held "the migra" off for months, but the
firings began nevertheless in November.  Now these
immigrant families are trying to survive.  Occupy
Oakland has yet to respond, however. 
        Instead, some of its activists are trying to
shut down work in Oakland's port a second time, as well
as others along the west coast.  An earlier march to
close the port after the first eviction of Occupy
Oakland drew thousands of people.  The proposal for a
second coast-wide shutdown, however, is opposed by the
longshore union.  The ILWU's opposition does not come
from conservatism.  The union, whose members make a
living from international shipping and trade, has been
one of the most vocal critics of U.S. free trade
agreements.  ILWU members have taken action many times
to defend the SME and unions in Mexico, as well as other
countries.  Its locals, however, had no role in the
decision to try to close the ports, nor did other port
workers.
        Solidarity is a two-way street, based on mutual
respect.  In most cities, including Oakland and San
Francisco, labor has welcomed Occupy and sought to
defend the encampments.  In New York, Occupy activists
have been given resources in many union halls, and
unions have mobilized against police raids at Zuccotti
Park. An alliance of unions, immigrants and Occupiers
has great potential strength, not just in numbers, but
also in the exchange of ideas and tactics.  Unions in
particular might benefit from wider use of the planton
or Occupy encampment.  Occupy ICE challenges the Occupy
movement to take up the firings of immigrant workers,
but it's also a challenge to unions themselves, many of
whom have watched in silence as longtime members were
forced from their jobs. 
        The vision of Occupy -- the 99% vs. the 1% --
has enormous support among immigrants and unions.  In
place of the tired rhetoric of politicians, shedding
crocodile tears for the "middle class" while demonizing
the poor, Occupy gives workers a vision of their
commonality in the 99%.  This powerful message blows
away illusions that higher-paid workers have more in
common with stockbrokers than with immigrants laboring
at minimum wage, or unemployed young people on the
streets of African American ghettos or Latino barrios.
        The Coalition for the Political Rights of
Mexicans Abroad shares the same vision of class-based
commonality.  "We are outraged," it says, "that U.S.
citizens, when they demand justice and expose the
inequalities that exist in their society, are treated
like criminals.  With the same outrage, we condemn the
criminalization of migrant Mexicans by the U.S.
government, the raids by immigration authorities [and]
the militarization of the border...No human being should
be treated as a criminal because they struggle to find
better conditions in which to live."

____________________________________________

PortsideLabor aims to provide material of interest to
people on the left that will help them to interpret the
world and to change it.

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