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PORTSIDELABOR  September 2011, Week 3

PORTSIDELABOR September 2011, Week 3

Subject:

Rank-and-File Economics: Fighting for a Wage- and Job-Led Recovery

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Rank-and-File Economics:
Fighting for a Wage- and Job-Led Recovery
By Katherine Sciacchitano
Dollars and Sense
September 13, 2011

http://www.dollarsandsense.org/archives/2011/0911sciacchitano.html

Riddle 1: When is a recovery not a recovery?
Answer: When profits are at record levels, corporations
are sitting on $1.7 trillion in cash, and unemployment
is still at 9.2% and rising.

Riddle 2: When is a stimulus not a stimulus?
Answer: When it's less than one-fourth the size of the
hole in the economy it is intended to fill.

Riddle 3: When will it be possible to rebuild the
economy?
Answer: When the U.S. labor movement joins with
community and international labor allies to demand
global economic development, jobs, and rising wages.

When the U.S. housing bubble burst in 2008, putting
jobs first was a no-brainer. Global unions demanded
immediate action. The G-20-the group of 20 nations
charged with coordinating a global response to the
crisis-agreed. Governments rushed to do stimulus
spending. The worst was prevented.

Then in the spring of 2010 the Greek debt crisis hit.
Markets plummeted. The G-20 pulled back and told
countries to cut spending. Greece, Ireland, Spain,
Portugal, and the U.K. have since enacted austerity
packages with drastic spending and wage cuts.

The global jobs crisis is now worse than ever. Between
2007 and 2010, 30 million workers lost their jobs
worldwide. In the United States, GDP is falling, jobs
have declined since the recovery started, and the
unemployment rate is rising again as federal stimulus
funds fade and layoffs mount in the states. The
Brookings Institution estimates it will take over ten
years to return to normal employment levels, even at
pre-crisis growth rates. Now, real wages are falling as
well.

Union reps negotiating contracts with state and local
governments are on the frontlines of the resulting
battles. Flanked as they are by terrified members on
one side, and angry tax payers and state legislatures
attacking wages, benefits, and bargaining rights on the
other, their problems go far beyond what can be solved
at the bargaining table.

The out-of-the-box solution would be to organize for a
comprehensive program of job creation. Blueprints for
jobs-based recoveries do exist. But such blueprints
need "rank-and-file economists" to turn them into brick
and mortar. With Democrats and Republicans actively
vying to impose austerity, those rank-and-file
economists-community organizers as well as union reps-
must tell, not ask, our elected representatives what we
need. Then they have to engage in the drawn-out battle
to make what we need a reality.

A major obstacle to struggle is the widespread belief-
even among many union members-that there is little that
government can do besides cut spending, and that only
the private sector can create jobs.

Yet the fact that so many are frustrated with
government over the high unemployment is evidence that
on some level people do believe government action is
not only possible but necessary. A rank-and-file
economics needs to channel that frustration and nurture
that belief. It needs to explain why the "free market"
isn't going to create the jobs that are needed. It
needs to educate people about the real causes of the
crisis. And it needs to convince community and union
members that a positive agenda for long-term growth
still exists.

First, we have to arm ourselves by educating ourselves.
The Private Sector Can't Do It Alone

Here in the United States, people are surrounded by the
narrative that only the private sector can create jobs.
Even those who acknowledge that we need to rebuild our
infrastructure and that rebuilding would create jobs
are likely to say that we can't afford public
investment right now. Instead, the argument goes, we
should cut taxes and let corporations create the jobs
and the investment we need: too much public spending
got us where we are; every tax dollar spent by the
government is one less dollar business could be used to
create jobs.

There are three main responses to these arguments.

First, corporations already have enough cash to invest;
tax cuts for corporations and the wealthy aren't going
to lead to more job creation.

The Bush tax cuts didn't boost job creation, they
didn't boost wages, and they didn't boost investment in
the real economy. What they boosted was corporate
profits and the deficit. Today businesses are sitting
on record profits and $1.7 trillion in cash that they
don't want to invest. What investment is being done is
aimed at boosting productivity and cutting labor costs-
that is, cutting jobs. The jobs problem is not due to
businesses not having enough cash to invest. Further
enriching corporations with tax cuts isn't going to fix
it.

Second, the deficit didn't cause the crisis; the crisis
caused the deficit.

Calls to cut government spending in order to spur
growth ignore the fact that the economic crisis we're
in has nothing to do with government spending. The
deficit didn't cause the crisis. The crisis caused the
deficit. The spike in the deficit is principally due to
the drop in revenues as people lost jobs and businesses
lost sales. What additional spending we have done in
the past three years-for the stimulus program and for
TARP-was temporary. And as economist Dean Baker from
the Center for Economic and Policy Research (CEPR) has
calculated, in the long run the U.S. budget deficit
would virtually disappear if it brought its health-care
spending in line with other industrialized countries,
all of which have universal health coverage.

Third, there are times when government spending is
essential to help the economy over a crisis and when
failure to spend will make the deficit worse.

In the short term, the best way to reduce the deficit
without increasing unemployment is to recover from the
crisis, not cut spending and create more joblessness
while the economy is still weak. This is a lesson we
should have learned from the last great global economic
collapse, the Depression of the 1930s.

Before the 1930s, most economists believed that
economies recovered naturally from recessions: in a
downturn, either prices would fall and stimulate
spending, or wages would fall and stimulate hiring, or
both. But when consumers and businesses stopped
spending during the Depression, falling wages and
prices made the economy worse. It took the New Deal to
get the economy growing. From 1933 through the end of
the Depression, GDP rose and fell with government
spending. By 1936 unemployment had fallen from 23% to
9%. But in 1937 unemployment rose again after Roosevelt
cut the budget to reduce the deficit. After that it
took massive spending for World War II to return the
economy to full employment.
Stimulus Isn't Enough Either

Given the lessons from the Depression of the 1930s, why
didn't the Obama stimulus plan work better than it did?

One reason is that the housing bubble drained nearly
$1.4 trillion in annual spending, yet the Obama
administration proposed a stimulus that was only $825
billion spread over several years. Congressional
Republicans then reduced that number to $727 billion.
They also cut proposed spending for infrastructure,
green energy, and aid to states so they could increase
tax cuts, even though tax cuts are known to create
fewer jobs.

But the deeper reason the Obama stimulus failed is that
the administration misunderstood the nature of the
crisis. The country needs more than stimulus spending
for recovery. It needs a sustained program for
rebuilding the real economy and raising wages. The
problem isn't just that cutbacks over the past decades
have left us with a shortage of over two trillion
dollars in infrastructure spending. It's that growing
inequality has created too big a hole in demand.

During the boom following World War II, the United
States regularly used government spending to ease
recessions. The idea was that instead of waiting for
unemployment to push down wages in the hopes that low
wages would boost hiring, the government should boost
job creation, and hence wages, by plugging holes in
private consumption with public expenditures.

This worked because during the post-war boom, wages as
a matter of policy rose with productivity. Recessions
were due to short-term policy missteps or the "business
cycle"-production temporarily getting ahead of demand.
When that happened, businesses made fewer profits and
investment would fall. Government spending would boost
demand. And demand would spur investment.

In the current economy, stimulus spending can't
accomplish what it did in the post-war economy. Not
only have we just had a massive financial crisis rather
than a dip in the business cycle, but the crisis
happened after decades of stagnating wages. Since the
1980s, demand has been based not on rising wages, as it
was in the post-war era, but on household debt backed
by the rising prices of assets such as stocks and real
estate.

With the bursting of the housing bubble, 28% of
homeowners are now under water. Under these
circumstances, households that get a temporary bump in
disposable income from a stimulus package are as likely
to pay down debt as they are to increase spending. Even
households that aren't in debt may save instead of
spending because of fear of unemployment. The economy
may get a small boost. But businesses correctly see
that demand isn't there and hold back from investing.
The economy remains in a hole unless the government
embarks on a sustained program of rebuilding wages,
jobs, and the real economy.
How We Unlearned Equality

To understand what it will take to rebuild the economy,
we have to understand the strength of the post-war
economy and how it was reversed.

The great economic lesson of the post-war era was the
importance of equality for economic growth and
stability. The period before the Great Depression had
been marked by steep inequality, debt, and bubbles.
Following World War II, the governments of the United
States and most of Western Europe made commitments to
full employment and rising wages in order to avoid
another similar collapse. Global growth reached record
rates. Inequality declined. And there were no serious
global financial crises.

In the United States, real hourly wages roughly doubled
during this period. The policies that made this wage
growth and stability possible included corporate
acceptance of collective bargaining; a strong social
safety net; high quality public services; regulation of
business; progressive tax systems-where corporations
and the wealthy are taxed at higher rates-to help pay
for public services and the cost of regulation; deficit
spending to stimulate the economy during economic
downturns, thereby preventing wages from falling; and a
willingness to lower interest rates when unemployment
rose.

Corporate tolerance for these pro-labor policies was
transitory and grudging: it lasted as long as the
extraordinary post-war levels of profit lasted. Once
global profit rates slowed, corporations fought to
reverse wage growth and restore profit rates under the
guise of the policy mix that came to be known as
neoliberalism. They attacked labor rights, the minimum
wage, and unemployment insurance. They pushed to reduce
taxes on corporations and the wealthy, shifting the tax
burden to working people instead. They lobbied to
privatize public services and deregulate industries-
opening opportunities for profits, denigrating the role
of government, and increasing the likelihood of
financial crises. The rhetoric of balanced budgets and
self-reliance replaced support for a strong safety net
and stimulus spending to stabilize wages during
recessions. And interest rate hikes were used to
minimize inflation-now touted as a primary threat to
living standards-by raising unemployment and keeping
wages low.

There were changes in international policy as well.
After World War II, U.S. trade policy had focused on
opening up markets for U.S. exports, which meant not
only higher profits but higher domestic employment.
Under neoliberalism, boosting profits meant moving
production to lower cost areas overseas and exporting
back to the United States. It meant cutting jobs at
home as well as and pushing down wages abroad.

In short, while the post-war strategy supported rising
incomes in the United States and much of the rest of
the world, the strategy from the 1980s onward was built
on stagnating or falling wages for workers generally.
The result was that the global rate of profit rose
while hourly wages stagnated or fell, with few
exceptions, throughout the globe-not just in the United
States and developing countries, but in Europe as well.

To compensate for stagnating purchasing power, U.S.
consumers borrowed, and the finance industry made
credit more available: between 1981 and 2007, the last
year of the housing bubble, household debt doubled as a
percentage of GDP. The U.S. consumer became the
consumer of last resort for the world. And the global
economy balanced precariously on U.S. consumer debt and
the dollar.

By the early 2000s, balancing on U.S. consumer debt
meant balancing on the housing bubble: dollars exited
the country to pay for imports and were recycled back,
not as demand for U.S. exports, but as demand for
investment in U.S. mortgage securities and other
financial assets. The world found out how painful a
balancing act this was when the U.S. housing bubble
burst, homeowners defaulted on mortgages, and the
banking system nearly collapsed, cutting off the supply
of easy credit. Global demand plummeted. It hasn't
recovered since. Tackling Inequality Head-on In its own
terms, neoliberalism worked: it increased profits,
suppressed wages, and shifted tax burdens from the
wealthy to lower income workers. Proponents have seized
on the deficits created by the crisis to slash social
spending, helping insure against future tax increases
for those at the top.

The contradictions should be obvious to all:
suppressing wages suppresses demand, and balancing
consumer spending on debt rather than wages
destabilizes the U.S. economy and the global economy.
Cutting government spending before we rebuild private
demand will throw the country and the world back into
recession. It will keep U.S. unemployment at
Depression-era levels. And it will result in larger,
not smaller, deficits.

Yet the contradictions don't register because people
have a deep-seated belief that the very inequality that
is crashing the system is essential to growth and jobs-
that by limiting inequality we are limiting our ability
to generate wealth.

To build momentum for a jobs- and wage-based recovery,
the labor movement has to tackle the belief in
inequality head on. It needs to show that the jobs
crisis can only be addressed by rebuilding and
rebalancing the national and global economies with
higher wages and greater equality.

Rebuild and Rebalance

A broad consensus is developing within the global labor
movement on how this rebuilding and rebalancing needs
to take place. There are three main goals:

Raise wages, raise demand. The most pressing economic
problem today isn't government debt or deficits. It's
the hole in demand left by 30 years of wage
suppression, and the danger of another period of
bubble-fueled growth. To be sustainable, demand has to
be based on wages, not on household debt. Inequality
isn't just painful for workers. It's destabilizing for
the global economy. Correcting inequality isn't a
matter of charity. It's a matter of economic survival.

First and foremost, rebalancing the global economy
means correcting the global wage imbalance by creating
jobs and raising wages. This imbalance isn't primarily
about high- versus low-income countries. It's about the
share of national incomes going to workers wages and
the share going to profit. Since 1980, the share of
income going to labor has fallen steadily in all
regions of the world, with the possible exceptions of
East and Central Asia. The decline hasn't been due to
shifts to low-wage occupations. It hasn't been limited
to low-wage countries. And it has occurred at all
income levels. It's also getting worse. In the current
recovery, U.S. corporations captured a whopping 88% of
the growth in national income through the beginning of
2010, while only 1% went to labor. Compare that to the
recovery after the 1991 recession, when 50% of the
growth in national income went to labor.

Replace growth based on low-wage exports with wage- and
demand-led growth around the world. As U.S.
corporations moved overseas in the eighties and
nineties, the U.S. government used the carrot and the
stick-as well as its powers over the IMF and the World
Bank-to persuade destination countries to cut
government spending, let wages fall, remove regulations
on movement of foreign capital known as "capital
controls," and "devalue" currencies to artificially
force down the price of exports. The result was
intensified global competition and the emergence of an
"export-led" model of growth: economies grew not
because rising wages grow domestic demand, but because
suppressed wage growth (or falling wages) pushed down
the price of exports. Regardless of their income level,
countries that adopt the export-led model suppress both
wage growth and demand for imports. They export more
than they import. And they run permanent trade
surpluses while their trading partners lose jobs and
run deficits.

European countries that are sharply reducing deficits
to deal with the current crisis and letting wages
stagnate or fall are turning to the export-led growth
model in hopes of becoming "more competitive." This
kind of "competitiveness" as a primary strategy for
global growth isn't the solution for lagging incomes.
It's a recipe for an intensified race to the bottom and
permanently depressed wages. It's also impossible for a
majority of the world to "export" its way out of the
crisis and back to growth; for every country that
exports, another must be able to import. The solution,
whether in Europe or the developing world, is to trade
in the model of export-led growth for one based on
rising wages and domestic demand.

Create a global model for economic development and
decent work. The idea of stimulus spending is that it
"jumpstarts" a cycle of demand, investment, and job
creation when a basically healthy economy stalls.
Today, living on the "other side" of the export-led
model the United States helped create, U.S. consumers
are too mired in debt, corporations too addicted to
outsourcing and cutting jobs and wages, and the country
too far behind in infrastructure spending for this kind
of stimulus to be effective. We need to rebuild, not
"jumpstart," the U.S. economy. The same is true
overseas. Developing countries mired in the export-led
model also suffer from a long-term lack of public
investment and infrastructure.

To replace the export-led growth model unions need to
demand a global agenda for decent work. This in turn
requires a program for sustainable development that
includes support for public services such as education
and health care, funds for infrastructure, and support
for sustainable manufacturing and green energy in both
advanced and developing countries. The jobs and wages
created by this investment will in turn build the base
of demand needed for sustained demand-led growth.
Closer Than We Think

There are ways out of the current jobs crisis. Budget-
cutting, austerity, and intensified wage competition
aren't among them. Unionists need to keep their eyes on
the ball: The chief barrier to recovery is the lack of
global demand. A main cause of the current crisis is a
multi-decade, multi-pronged strategy of wage
suppression across the world. And the response must
include global coordination for economic development-a
global New Deal.

Governments committed to neoliberal policies won't be
the prime movers behind a global New Deal. That's
labor's job. So is forging the ties with other labor
movements that will be needed to carry on the struggle
both nationally and internationally (see sidebar).

This struggle must take place country by country. Over
the past decade U.S. unionists have fought successful
battles for living wage ordinances. They have won
community benefits agreements from corporations
receiving public funds, locking in pledges to create
jobs and respect labor rights. They've renewed the
battle for single-payer health care and made common
cause with immigrant workers working at the margins of
the U.S. economy. There is crucial organizing for a
national infrastructure bank, withdrawal from Iraq and
Afghanistan, putting a floor on foreclosures, and
taxing the wealthy. Learning new strategies is not
going to be the hard part of U.S. labor. Nor will
forging international linkages with unions in other
countries-a process which will deepen understanding of
common problems and exponentially increase the energy
and clarity of struggle.

The hard part will be unlearning the indoctrination
we've received about the crisis, the role of government
in the economy, and the free market. Once we do that,
we can build successful movements at home and abroad.
We're closer than we think to the army of rank-and-file
economists that we need.

SIDEBAR:

Going Global: Coordination, not Competition

Jobs debates tend to focus on national needs. We're
told repeatedly that competition is the key to a
country's economic success: increase productivity,
decrease labor costs, hone our technology, and we'll
beat out the other guy to get the jobs. But the kind of
development the world needs for recovery isn't a zero-
sum game. U.S. labor needs healthy manufacturing and
wage growth in other countries every bit as much as we
need a revival of manufacturing and wages in the United
States.

Achieving the objectives proposed in this article-
rising wages, demand-led growth, and global
development-will require both struggle and
international coordination. Labor is familiar with many
of the economic tools that will be needed to achieve
these core objectives, but it is used to applying them
in a national context only, not advocating for their
use as part of a global development agenda. Here are a
few of the most familiar tools that will be needed and
what labor can add by pressing for international
coordination:

Fiscal and monetary policy to support employment
growth. Governments need to return to wider use of
fiscal and monetary policy to stimulate demand and put
a floor on unemployment. But in a global economy,
stimulus spending can end up "leaking" out of a country
when consumers buy imports. Stimulus is most effective
when countries act together so one country can't
"steal" demand from another by keeping its wages and
demand low while another country raises wages and
expands demand.

Labor rights and employment regulation to raise wages.
Using fiscal and monetary policy to put a floor on
unemployment can help keep wages from falling. But wage
growth needs a vigorous commitment to collective
bargaining, social benefits such as health care and
pensions, minimum and living wage laws, and a strong
safety net for unemployed and underemployed workers.
These policies are most effective when widely adopted,
both because widespread adoption raises global demand
and also because it discourages low-wage competition.

Tax reform to provide adequate revenues. Tax reform is
needed to ensure that the wealthy and corporations pay
their share of the costs for the economic crisis, and
to provide revenue for rebuilding and development.
Corporate tax reform in particular needs to be
coordinated to prevent corporations from gaming
differences in countries' tax rates by relocation or
transfer pricing. Since the crisis began, a vigorous
global movement has sprung up for a financial
transaction tax, which could raise hundreds of billions
globally from the finance industry.

Industrial policy to nurture high-wage manufacturing
sectors. Ultimately, strong job growth is needed to
support strong wage growth. Countries that have
developed successfully-including the United States and
Britain in their early years, Europe and Japan after
World War II, the Asian Tigers in the 1980s, and now
China-have done so by using industrial policies to
nurture infant industries and growth. These policies
have included such measures as regulation of the
movement of capital in and out of the country;
government investment in infrastructure, education,
research and development; requirements that
corporations purchase inputs locally and train local
workforces; and facilitating the availability of credit
for key industries and sectors. Since the eighties and
nineties, neoliberal policies and trade agreements have
sought to ban many of these policies and make countries
dependent on transnational corporations instead.
International labor campaigns to eliminate these bans
will be critical for reversing this dependence and the
advantage it gives corporations over labor. Freeing
countries to use industrial policy will in turn be
critical for the growth of green manufacturing and
energy production as the world grapples with climate
change.

KATHERINE SCIACCHITANO is a former labor lawyer and
organizer. She is also a professor at the National
Labor College and a freelance labor educator. She can
be reached at sciacchitano1-at-gmail-dot-com.
SOURCES: Gerald Friedman, Bernanke's Bad Teachers,
Dollars & Sense, July/August 2009 (stimulus spending
during the Depression); Michael Greenstone and Adam
Looney, The Great Recession's Toll on Long-Term
Unemployment, Brookings Institution UP Front Blog,
November 5, 2010; Dean Baker, The Economic Illiterates
Step Up Attacks on Social Security and Medicare, August
2, 2011 (inadequate size of the Obama stimulus); Dean
Baker, Barack Obama's Big Stimulus, Jan 19th, 2009
(original composition of the Obama stimulus); Katherine
Sciacchitano, W(h)ither the Dollar?, Dollars & Sense,
May/June 2010; Resolution on a Sustainable and Just
Development Model for the 21st Century, International
Trade Union Confederation, 2nd World Congress,
Vancouver, 21-25 June 2010 (2CO/E/6.4 final); Francisco
Rodriguez and Arjun Jayadev, The Declining Share of
Labor Income, UNDP Human Development Research Paper
2010/36; Steven Greenhouse, The Wageless, Profitable
Recovery, New York Times, June 30th, 2011; Andrew Sum,
Ishwar Khatiwada, Joseph McLaughlin and Sheila Palma,
The "Jobless and Wageless" Recovery from the Great
Recession of 2007- 2009: The Magnitude and Sources of
Economic Growth Through 2011 I and Their Impacts on
Workers, Profits, and Stock Values, Center for Labor
Market Studies Northeastern University Boston,
Massachusetts, May 2011; National Infrastructure
Development Bank press release, May 20, 2009; Ha Joon
Chang, Bad Samaritans: The Myth of Free Trade and the
Secret History of Capitalism (Bloomsbury Press, 2008);
Thomas I. Palley, "The Rise and Fall of Export-led
Growth," Levy Economics Institute of Bard College,
Working Paper No. 675, July 2011.

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April 2017, Week 4
April 2017, Week 3
April 2017, Week 2
April 2017, Week 1
March 2017, Week 5
March 2017, Week 4
March 2017, Week 3
March 2017, Week 2
March 2017, Week 1
February 2017, Week 4
February 2017, Week 3
February 2017, Week 2
February 2017, Week 1
January 2017, Week 5
January 2017, Week 4
January 2017, Week 3
January 2017, Week 2
January 2017, Week 1
December 2016, Week 5
December 2016, Week 4
December 2016, Week 3
December 2016, Week 2
December 2016, Week 1
November 2016, Week 5
November 2016, Week 4
November 2016, Week 3
November 2016, Week 2
November 2016, Week 1
October 2016, Week 5
October 2016, Week 4
October 2016, Week 3
October 2016, Week 2
October 2016, Week 1
September 2016, Week 5
September 2016, Week 4
September 2016, Week 3
September 2016, Week 2
September 2016, Week 1
August 2016, Week 5
August 2016, Week 4
August 2016, Week 3
August 2016, Week 2
August 2016, Week 1
July 2016, Week 5
July 2016, Week 4
July 2016, Week 3
July 2016, Week 2
July 2016, Week 1
June 2016, Week 5
June 2016, Week 4
June 2016, Week 3
June 2016, Week 2
June 2016, Week 1
May 2016, Week 5
May 2016, Week 4
May 2016, Week 3
May 2016, Week 2
May 2016, Week 1
April 2016, Week 5
April 2016, Week 4
April 2016, Week 3
April 2016, Week 2
April 2016, Week 1
March 2016, Week 5
March 2016, Week 4
March 2016, Week 3
March 2016, Week 2
March 2016, Week 1
February 2016, Week 5
February 2016, Week 4
February 2016, Week 3
February 2016, Week 2
February 2016, Week 1
January 2016, Week 5
January 2016, Week 4
January 2016, Week 3
January 2016, Week 2
January 2016, Week 1
December 2015, Week 5
December 2015, Week 4
December 2015, Week 3
December 2015, Week 2
December 2015, Week 1
November 2015, Week 5
November 2015, Week 4
November 2015, Week 3
November 2015, Week 2
November 2015, Week 1
October 2015, Week 5
October 2015, Week 4
October 2015, Week 3
October 2015, Week 2
October 2015, Week 1
September 2015, Week 5
September 2015, Week 4
September 2015, Week 3
September 2015, Week 2
September 2015, Week 1
August 2015, Week 5
August 2015, Week 4
August 2015, Week 3
August 2015, Week 2
August 2015, Week 1
July 2015, Week 5
July 2015, Week 4
July 2015, Week 3
July 2015, Week 2
July 2015, Week 1
June 2015, Week 5
June 2015, Week 4
June 2015, Week 3
June 2015, Week 2
June 2015, Week 1
May 2015, Week 5
May 2015, Week 4
May 2015, Week 3
May 2015, Week 2
May 2015, Week 1
April 2015, Week 5
April 2015, Week 4
April 2015, Week 3
April 2015, Week 2
April 2015, Week 1
March 2015, Week 5
March 2015, Week 4
March 2015, Week 3
March 2015, Week 2
March 2015, Week 1
February 2015, Week 4
February 2015, Week 3
February 2015, Week 2
February 2015, Week 1
January 2015, Week 5
January 2015, Week 4
January 2015, Week 3
January 2015, Week 2
January 2015, Week 1
December 2014, Week 5
December 2014, Week 4
December 2014, Week 3
December 2014, Week 2
December 2014, Week 1
November 2014, Week 5
November 2014, Week 4
November 2014, Week 3
November 2014, Week 2
November 2014, Week 1
October 2014, Week 5
October 2014, Week 4
October 2014, Week 3
October 2014, Week 2
October 2014, Week 1
September 2014, Week 5
September 2014, Week 4
September 2014, Week 3
September 2014, Week 2
September 2014, Week 1
August 2014, Week 5
August 2014, Week 4
August 2014, Week 3
August 2014, Week 2
August 2014, Week 1
July 2014, Week 5
July 2014, Week 4
July 2014, Week 3
July 2014, Week 2
July 2014, Week 1
June 2014, Week 5
June 2014, Week 4
June 2014, Week 3
June 2014, Week 2
June 2014, Week 1
May 2014, Week 5
May 2014, Week 4
May 2014, Week 3
May 2014, Week 2
May 2014, Week 1
April 2014, Week 5
April 2014, Week 4
April 2014, Week 3
April 2014, Week 2
April 2014, Week 1
March 2014, Week 5
March 2014, Week 4
March 2014, Week 3
March 2014, Week 2
March 2014, Week 1
February 2014, Week 4
February 2014, Week 3
February 2014, Week 2
February 2014, Week 1
January 2014, Week 5
January 2014, Week 4
January 2014, Week 3
January 2014, Week 2
January 2014, Week 1
December 2013, Week 5
December 2013, Week 4
December 2013, Week 3
December 2013, Week 2
December 2013, Week 1
November 2013, Week 5
November 2013, Week 4
November 2013, Week 3
November 2013, Week 2
November 2013, Week 1
October 2013, Week 5
October 2013, Week 4
October 2013, Week 3
October 2013, Week 2
October 2013, Week 1
September 2013, Week 5
September 2013, Week 4
September 2013, Week 3
September 2013, Week 2
September 2013, Week 1
August 2013, Week 5
August 2013, Week 4
August 2013, Week 3
August 2013, Week 2
August 2013, Week 1
July 2013, Week 5
July 2013, Week 4
July 2013, Week 3
July 2013, Week 2
July 2013, Week 1
June 2013, Week 4
June 2013, Week 3
June 2013, Week 2
June 2013, Week 1
May 2013, Week 5
May 2013, Week 4
May 2013, Week 3
May 2013, Week 2
May 2013, Week 1
April 2013, Week 5
April 2013, Week 4
April 2013, Week 3
April 2013, Week 2
April 2013, Week 1
March 2013, Week 5
March 2013, Week 4
March 2013, Week 3
March 2013, Week 2
March 2013, Week 1
February 2013, Week 4
February 2013, Week 3
February 2013, Week 2
February 2013, Week 1
January 2013, Week 5
January 2013, Week 4
January 2013, Week 3
January 2013, Week 2
January 2013, Week 1
December 2012, Week 5
December 2012, Week 4
December 2012, Week 3
December 2012, Week 2
December 2012, Week 1
November 2012, Week 5
November 2012, Week 4
November 2012, Week 3
November 2012, Week 2
November 2012, Week 1
October 2012, Week 5
October 2012, Week 4
October 2012, Week 3
October 2012, Week 2
October 2012, Week 1
September 2012, Week 4
September 2012, Week 3
September 2012, Week 2
September 2012, Week 1
August 2012, Week 5
August 2012, Week 4
August 2012, Week 3
August 2012, Week 2
August 2012, Week 1
July 2012, Week 5
July 2012, Week 4
July 2012, Week 3
July 2012, Week 2
July 2012, Week 1
June 2012, Week 5
June 2012, Week 4
June 2012, Week 3
June 2012, Week 2
June 2012, Week 1
May 2012, Week 5
May 2012, Week 4
May 2012, Week 3
May 2012, Week 2
May 2012, Week 1
April 2012, Week 5
April 2012, Week 4
April 2012, Week 3
April 2012, Week 2
April 2012, Week 1
March 2012, Week 5
March 2012, Week 4
March 2012, Week 3
March 2012, Week 2
March 2012, Week 1
February 2012, Week 5
February 2012, Week 4
February 2012, Week 3
February 2012, Week 2
February 2012, Week 1
January 2012, Week 5
January 2012, Week 4
January 2012, Week 3
January 2012, Week 2
January 2012, Week 1
December 2011, Week 5
December 2011, Week 4
December 2011, Week 3
December 2011, Week 2
December 2011, Week 1
November 2011, Week 5
November 2011, Week 4
November 2011, Week 3
November 2011, Week 2
November 2011, Week 1
October 2011, Week 5
October 2011, Week 4
October 2011, Week 3
October 2011, Week 2
October 2011, Week 1
September 2011, Week 5
September 2011, Week 4
September 2011, Week 3
September 2011, Week 2
September 2011, Week 1
August 2011, Week 5
August 2011, Week 4
August 2011, Week 3
August 2011, Week 2
August 2011, Week 1
July 2011, Week 5
July 2011, Week 4
July 2011, Week 3
July 2011, Week 2
July 2011, Week 1
June 2011, Week 5
June 2011, Week 4
June 2011, Week 3
June 2011, Week 2
June 2011, Week 1
May 2011, Week 5
May 2011, Week 4
May 2011, Week 3
May 2011, Week 2
May 2011, Week 1
April 2011, Week 5
April 2011, Week 4
April 2011, Week 3
April 2011, Week 2
April 2011, Week 1
March 2011, Week 5
March 2011, Week 4
March 2011, Week 3
March 2011, Week 2
March 2011, Week 1
February 2011, Week 4
February 2011, Week 3
February 2011, Week 2
February 2011, Week 1
January 2011, Week 5
January 2011, Week 4
January 2011, Week 3
January 2011, Week 2
January 2011, Week 1
December 2010, Week 5
December 2010, Week 4
December 2010, Week 3
December 2010, Week 2
December 2010, Week 1
November 2010, Week 5
November 2010, Week 4
November 2010, Week 3
November 2010, Week 2
November 2010, Week 1
October 2010, Week 5
October 2010, Week 4
October 2010, Week 3
October 2010, Week 2
October 2010, Week 1
September 2010, Week 5
September 2010, Week 4
September 2010, Week 3
September 2010, Week 2
September 2010, Week 1
August 2010, Week 5
August 2010, Week 4
August 2010, Week 3
August 2010, Week 2
August 2010, Week 1
July 2010, Week 5
July 2010, Week 4
July 2010, Week 3
July 2010, Week 2
July 2010, Week 1

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