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PORTSIDE  August 2011, Week 3

PORTSIDE August 2011, Week 3

Subject:

Chile's Student Protests: Two articles

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Mon, 15 Aug 2011 20:55:28 -0400

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Chile's Student Protests: Two articles
1. Chile's Student Rebels
2. Chilean Student Movement Leads Uprising . . .

===
1.
Chile's Student Rebels: Views From the Trenches

by Eloy Fisher, Council on Hemispheric Affairs | News Analysis 

Sunday 14 August 2011 

http://www.coha.org/chiles-student-rebels-views-from-the-trenches/

Protesters outside the University of Chiless main
building, August 8. (Photo: Fernando Mandujano)

Radio Toma, loosely translated as "Occupation Radio,"
broadcasts non-stop information about the protests
being staged in front of the University of Chile's main
building - literally a stone's throw away from the
Presidential Palace of La Moneda. Since June 10,
students have occupied the beautiful neoclassical 19th
Century campus as the protests have continued to
intensify around their one demand - to dismantle the
market-based approach of the Chilean educational
system, something they have scornfully come to label
"Pinochet's education."

"We just distrust the political class," one of the
students in front of Radio Toma told me. But even when
the political establishment tried to discredit their
protests, students' responses turned out to be
well-organized. They are fully cognizant of their role
in trying to overhaul not only the educational system,
but the tense democratic framework put in place by the
Pinochet regime as well.

The media so far has been complacent in its coverage.
Except for the same international agencies which tend
to cover the protests from the political trenches,
Chilean media seemed very cozy inside the tall steel
gates of the Club Hipico, where flustered cameramen and
news commentators took pictures, argued about
attendance and whether the march would take a turn for
the worse. Unlike the conventional narrative, these
protests are not limited to the wayward acts of
"subversive vagrants" (as the gaffe-prone Senator
Carlos Larrain publicly derided), or even worse, a
lighthearted, middle-class uprising - a view implicit
in the New York Times and in a recent interview with
neoliberal pundit Moises Naim.

All of these fractures are also being seen in Chile's
Winter of Discontent. Eerily reminiscent of previous
shifts, today they pit the demands of a growing (as
well as younger) cohort of citizens against a
traditional elite who are desperately trying to buy
themselves legitimacy and time, all the while being
cognizant of the fact that this year's campus activist
is likely the next decade's presidential candidate.

When I asked about the endgame at Radio Toma, the two
students there nodded - "look, honestly we don't know
where this is going to end. We do not own society's
demands. This movement is dynamic in nature... but in the
end it all boils down to a conflict in legality." As he
said this, we heard the sound of hundreds of sneakers
treading across the sidewalk. He looked at me, excused
himself very politely and ran into the building, all as
the police quickly moved in and sprayed everyone with
fast speed, heavy volume water cannons.

A few hours before, as the march departed from the
Universidad de Santiago station, the mood was jovial -
under the loud and constant tapping of police
helicopters, people drummed, danced, chanted and waved
banners against what they deemed as Pinera's tone-deaf
attempt to save, at all costs and against their wishes,
the educational compact dating back from the Pinochet
era.

Two veterans of these protests, Manuel and Carlos,
watched the march from one of the more festive corners
of the protest. At the Avenida Espana and Claudio Gay
intersection, people in the balconies were throwing
sacks of water and confetti on top of the students and
singing along with their tunes taken from other songs,
in an attempt to freshen-up the protesters as a
surprisingly beautiful spring day was made more pungent
by the multitude. "I have not seen so much people since
the No Protests," Manuel said, while Carlos nodded
along. Both had been tortured during those violent
episodes that rocked Chile for months during the heady
days of the Pinochet regime after the economy plummeted
in 1982. But as the thousands of teenagers and
twenty-somethings streamed into the street, they could
not help smiling - "we have to give it to them. These
kids have extraordinary courage. I can only hope they
can change what we failed to do, because we were
afraid..."

Yet, students are surprisingly modest in their demands.
Cristobal Lagos, Secretary General of the Universidad
de Chile's Student Federation, one of the biggest
student unions spearheading the effort, recognized the
matter plainly as we walked down the street into
Almagro Park, where the march would ultimately
congregate - "we don't like Pinera, but we don't want
to break the institutional framework. However, if after
this movement others [movements] are born, that's
better. Because of what we are doing, people will come
out and demand real change in Chile."

But despite the appeals for calm, I spoke with one of
the up-to-no-gooders in full combat paraphernalia as he
taunted the police in one of the side streets near the
area - he said that they were allowed to go past La
Alameda, but he was lying - the area was clearly
off-limits. As more and more people flooded the park's
bounds, tensions started to flare despite desperate
efforts to keep calm on both sides. As the march turned
around down the streets of Manuel Matta and Nathaniel
Cox, I witnessed the frantic efforts of one parent (as
he called himself while he herded the students into the
designated route) who stood between the students and
the police, as some anonymous rocks fell dud, short
from the heavily armored police.

As the hundred thousand-strong march flowed through the
decently sized park, it didn't take long for the
protest to trickle beyond the strictly defined
"designated" area by the government, and towards the
menacing police barricades. While the author ran across
the side streets around the park, it was clear that
both protesters and police were uncomfortable near each
other's inherently dangerous presence. One can be
excused for being slightly subjective on such subjects
of several germane subjects since when one comes from
Panama, where until very recently and despite some
particularly morose circumstances, police and students
were prone to negotiate, interact and even, jokingly,
defuse tensions during policy oriented protests. These
antics could have just as well been carried out on the
sidelines of a World Cup soccer match same as could be
carried out in one of Pinochet's or his Panamanian
counterpart's torture chambers. Panama has changed,
much like Chile has taken on an unattractive cast, even
while bearing a democratic garb. In a new world of
austerity and economic crises, a fractured society
where Chilean carabineros are once again being restored
to power while Chilean students are once again losing
their innocence, the police think nothing of fiercely
answering the taunts of the kids with their kaffiye
covered faces, to be followed without much provocation,
later, experienced, and now camped-in at Radio Toma,
and where students are emboldened enough to retaliate
the scorn with rocks that they harvested from potholes
in the street.

It is very difficult to see where this will end
politically - divisions seem to be growing as we speak.
Once again, there are some scattered references to UNAM
protests in Mexico, where students unsuccessfully, if
bitterly, occupied the university for almost a year to
protest against tuition increases. These students now
have recognized, they cannot alienate society without
creating channels to carry away the angst that pervades
Chilean society. "Those protesting today, we are the
same pinguinos (colloquial forstudents in Chile) who
protested in 2006, and who were cajoled by the
Concertacion's roundtables and big plans that amounted
to nothing..." the students at Radio Toma said, as they
explained their distrust towards the government's
appeals for negotiation. Feeling no love for the
Concertacion, who they see as the same elites with
different stripes, they view themselves as a movement
that is hurriedly coagulating different political
aspirations, producing water instead of blood.

"We've held out for three months... if we get something
now, it has to be big."

===

2.
Chilean Student Movement Leads Uprising For
Transformation of the Country

New America Media

By Roger Burbach

August 13, 2011

http://globalalternatives.org/node/115

Chile is becoming a part of the global movement of
youth that is transforming the world bit by bit--the
Arab Spring, the sit-ins and demonstrations in the
Spanish plazas, and the rebellion of youth in London.

Weeks of demonstrations and strikes by Chilean students
came to a head August 9, as an estimated 100,000 people
poured into the streets of Santiago. Joined by
professors and educators, they were demanding a free
education for all, from the primary school level to the
university.

In the riotous confrontations that took place between
bands of youth and the police, tear gas canisters were
fired into the crowds, and 273 people were arrested.
Later on, in the cool winter evening, the deafening
noise of people banging on their pots and pans in
support of the students could be heard throughout
Santiago, the country's capital city of six million.

Under the 17-year dictatorship of Augusto Pinochet,
much of Chile's educational system was privatized, and
even after he left power in 1990, private education
continued to prevail. Today, 70 percent of university
students attend private institutions. Private education
is sustained by the constitution drawn up during the
Pinochet regime, and educational entrepreneurs
capitalized on it.

Camila Vallejo, the elected president of the Student
Federation of the University of Chile and one of the
main leaders of the national protests, proclaims: "We
need quality education for everyone. It is a right.
Chilean society cannot move forward without it."

Twenty students from the secondary schools are
currently on a hunger strike and are willing to forego
the academic year, even die for the cause.

Alina Gonzales, a 16-year-old participant in the
secondary school strike, told NAM: "We will do what it
takes to change this system and our lives."

The students are part of a broader movement that is
calling for the transformation of Chile. In recent
months, copper mine workers have gone on strike,
massive mobilizations have taken place to stop the
construction of a huge complex of dam and energy
projects in the Bio Bio region of southern Chile, gay
rights and feminist activists have marched in the
streets, and the Mapuche indigenous peoples have
continued to demand the restoration of their ancestral
lands.

Faced with the intransigence of the conservative
government of billionaire President Sebastian Pinera,
the movement is calling for a national plebiscite.
Camila Vallejo, who is also a member of the Communist
youth organization, asserts, "If the government is not
capable of responding to us, we will have to demand
another non-institutional solution: the convocation of
a plebiscite so that the citizens can decide on the
educational future of the country."

Forty-two social organizations grouped together under
the banner "Democracy for Chile" have rallied to back
the student movement. Their manifesto proclaims: "The
economic, social and political system is in a profound
crisis that has compelled the communities to mobilize ...
An unprecedented and historic movement of citizens is
questioning the bases of the economic and political
order that were imposed in 1980" by the Pinochet
constitution.

Picking up on the students' call for a referendum, the
manifesto argues that it should be "multi-thematic" and
allow voters to decide whether to convene a constituent
assembly that would have the power to draft a new
constitution.

In recent years, there has been a growing call for an
end to the neo-liberal order and the attendant
political system that concentrates power in the hands
of a political elite. As in Ecuador, Bolivia and
Venezuela, there is a movement to reshape the nation
with a constitution that allows for popular
participation at all levels of government. Fundamental
rights would be recognized, including the right to a
free education, health care, culture, and the right to
choose one's sexual orientation.

President Pinera refuses to endorse the call for a
plebiscite. His approval rating now stands at 26
percent. The day after the massive demonstrations, he
signed a token law calling for "quality education." He
denounced supporters of universal free education,
arguing that it would represent a transfer of wealth to
the privileged since "the poor would pay taxes that
benefit the more fortunate" who attend the
universities.

Chile is at a crossroads. In the two decades since the
fall of the dictatorship, many Chileans have succumbed
to consumerism, as shopping malls and credit cards have
proliferated with the "Chilean Economic Miracle" that
has seen annual growth rates of 6 percent. But many
Chileans want a more meaningful society. They recall
the Chilean tradition of democratic socialism that was
snuffed out with the overthrow of President Salvador
Allende on September 11, 1973.

New mobilizations are planned in the coming week,
including a one-day national strike. The call has also
gone out for similar demonstrations in other Latin
American countries.

 (c) 2007- 2011 CENSA: Center for the
Study of the Americas 2288 Fulton St., Suite 103,
Berkeley, CA

About Censa
Global Alternatives is hosted and sponsored by the
Center for the Study of the Americas, or CENSA. Founded
in 1981 CENSA is a nonprofit organization based in
Berkeley, California. It promotes dialogue and
research, producing special studies, reports and books
as well as news stories. CENSA collaborates with
like-minded organizations throughout the hemisphere,
and CENSA Associates are involved in consultancy work,
particularly in the areas of agroecology and food
security.

___________________________________________

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on the left that will help them to interpret the world
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