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PORTSIDE  August 2011, Week 1

PORTSIDE August 2011, Week 1

Subject:

Making Sense of the Federal Election in Canada

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Making Sense of the Federal Election in Canada 

by Herman Rosenfeld

The Bullet *** Socialist Project • E-Bulletin No. 530
August 1, 2011

Making sense of the surprising outcome of the May 2nd
federal election in Canada is a major challenge for
everyone on the Left, especially among those who are
engaged in efforts to create a political space to the
left of social democracy. The Left now confronts a
Stephen Harper Conservative Party majority and the
unavoidable need to carve out a working relationship
with the New Democratic Party (NDP) implanted for the
first time as the parliamentary opposition, while
continuing to struggle to renew the organizational
capacities of the Left independent of the NDP. The new
parliamentary balance of electoral forces compel us all
to raise the level and sharpness of our understanding
of Canadian politics and how we might move forward.

The election of a Conservative majority in itself
should not come as a surprise. It takes place in a
world context of defeat for the working-class and the
Left. The incredible offensive of the neoliberal
inspired ruling classes in Europe and North America is
gaining ground even through the battles over austerity.
In 2008, this was not expected, as the crisis created
huge holes in neoliberal capitalism's ideological
veneer and ability to deliver the goods and suggested
that seeking alternative ways of organizing society and
the economy might gain broad appeal. But the Right
quickly recovered its political bearings and has
continued to use the crisis as a way to strengthen its
domination of the political landscape. On the electoral
terrain, the Right - in spite of its aggressive
campaign for austerity and further rollbacks of welfare
state protections - continues to hold more than its own
and is even managing to make gains. In this context,
Harper's majority is not an exception. Ruling Class
Gains: Harper wins a majority

The key result of the election to account for is the
Harper majority. It signals an important victory for
the most market-oriented and conservative sections of
the Canadian ruling class, a victory that has been a
quarter of century in the making since the formation of
the Reform Party in 1987.

Although the first-past-the post electoral system and
the vote splitting between the NDP and Liberals
accentuated the seat total taken by the Tories, the
overall number of votes going to the Conservatives went
up by almost 2% and over 620,000 additional votes.
These votes reflect a major base of support for the
Tory platform, particularly on economic issues, and
across all regions and ethnic groups, that no other
party comes close to matching. They will use this base
to impose an 'austerity-plus' strategy of, steady
transformation of Canadian political and economic
institutions.

Harper's win reflected a number of elements: the
two-percentage point increase in the popular vote; the
dramatic decline in the Liberal vote; the increase in
the NDP vote and the vagaries of the outdated electoral
system. Harper also crafted that win by targeting key
ridings across the country and applying a cynical but
effective appeal to selective constituencies in those
ridings (one of the means is the cynical use of
targeted tax cuts to purchase favour). While
emphasizing social conservative themes to some voters,
he touted his 'moderation' to others. Overall, his
principal theme was tax cuts, fiscal austerity and
business confidence. While only 40% of the 61.4% who
voted, this gave Harper a new majority, with which they
continue to establish their political hegemony in
Canada for the foreseeable future.

Even without any significant electoral move to the
Right amongst the electorate, Harper is now free to
deepen radically neoliberalism in Canada. Already, the
government used the threat of back-to-work legislation
to end the CAW Air Canada strike; they followed this up
by undermining and then ending the CUPW strike through
the Canada Post lockout and then the back-to-work law.
The latter conflict included a legislated settlement on
CUPW members which were more draconian than the final
offer of the employer. The Conservatives have clearly
signaled their intent to pursue austerity and roll-back
public sector collective bargaining rights in the
process.

Tony Clement, the new Treasury Board President, has
since called for the elimination of entire programs
funded by the federal government, and has already begun
by cutting the public service. They will continue to
extend the cuts in a number of ways: reductions in
social transfers to the provinces; restructuring of the
Canadian state to further expand private sector
provision of public services; attacks on public sector
workers, native peoples, and the poor. Alongside the
cuts, the Tories can be expected to further 'harden'
the coercive dimensions of the Canadian state:
intensifying the criminalization of poverty; changes to
the criminal justice system to increase and broaden
prison sentencing; a massive expansion of the prison
system; and further developing Canadian military
capacities for overseas deployment and support for U.S.
and NATO 'security' operations around the world.

Challenging Harper will not be simple. The
Conservatives are masters at crafting an appeal to
people across the social spectrum, including sections
of the working-class. Harper has had an ability to push
the appropriate buttons and appeal to different
constituencies. In raising the threat of back-to-work
legislation at Air Canada, where there was little
threat to the economy, Harper raised concerns about
summer travel plans, consolidating his political base,
while sending a message to both the capitalist class
and the labour movement that the government supported
the undermining of defined benefit pension plans.

Harper appeals lie with right-wing populism: blaming
government bureaucracy for the failure of healthy job
creation; targeting tax cuts as the only way of
increasing the disposable incomes of people who haven't
had wage increases in decades; disorganizing and
discouraging working-class loyalties and common
identities; and forming a new militaristic patriotism
as the symbol of national unity as the appeals of a
common social citizenship through the welfare state is
undermined. The electoral success of the Conservatives
is rooted in some of the discourses and divisions that
the Republicans in the U.S. have used, and the hard
Right in Europe has been gaining ground with.

The Harper victory inspires confidence in the various
elements of the ruling class: reinforcing and
consolidating neoliberalism in the Canadian state;
creating conditions for attacks on the public sector in
the provinces; deepening neoliberal market conditions
which, at the very least will result in more pressure
on working-class job quality, availability and incomes
and working conditions; attacks on unions; undermining
efforts to move toward renewable energy; intensifying
the economic dependency on resource extraction and
exports and the domination of the financial sector.
Across society, it is hard not to conclude that the
hegemony of neoliberalism in Canada has never been
stronger. NDP Surge: Mixed Meanings and Left Dilemmas

The NDP electoral 'surge' is less a fundamental shift
in the ideological or political terrain in Canada and
more of a game 'modifier.' It certainly reflects an
alteration in electoral forces. The gains are
unprecedented for the NDP on the federal level, with
the highest level of seats in the party's history. Most
of that happened in Quebec, where the party gained 58
seats, as well as more modest gains elsewhere: 2 in the
West and North, 2 in Atlantic Canada and 6 in Toronto.
The Liberal Party - the premier instrument of the
dominant fractions of Canada's ruling classes for most
of the 20th century - suffered an historic and possible
fatal decline. It is the first electoral breakthrough
for an avowedly social democratic party in Quebec; and
it is the most significant national electoral results
for a party in North America with its ideological roots
in traditional social democracy and even elements of
socialism (in this case the formation of the CCF in the
1930s). While these results cannot be ignored, they
need to be put into perspective.

The dramatic increase of seats in Quebec and the
swapping of electoral position with the Bloc Quebecois
reflects, among others, frustration with the impotence
of the Bloc in defending Quebec, continued opposition
to neoliberalism in the Federal state, and electoral
interest in the persona of Jack Layton. Richard Fidler
and Roger Rashi have made incisive analyses about the
tenuousness of the striking electoral victory in
Quebec, pointing out the fluidity of the Quebec
electoral political scene and the ongoing tensions
around sovereignty in that national community and
province. Outside of Quebec, the increase in NDP votes
came at the expense of the hapless Liberal leader,
Michael Ignatieff, and the continued infighting and
bleeding of the electoral vote over the last two
decades. It would be mistaken to argue - as have many
commentators - that the electoral results necessarily
reflect a tectonic shift to the 'Left' of the electoral
scene in Canada.

Layton's campaign was based in the centre-left 'Third
Way' politics he (along with the core political and
bureaucratic leaders that set the party's agenda) has
consistently shifted the NDP over his tenure. It hugged
the centre, appealing to 'middle class or average
families' (and sometime just 'families'). There was no
systematic reference or criticism of the role of
corporations or capitalism, except vague calls to make
banks and others more accountable. The electoral
campaign played down the party's programmatic
opposition to the Afghan war (in favour of
state-building efforts there), and called for a modest
program of cancelling planned and recent tax cuts,
endorsing the labour movement's call to double the
Canada Pension Plan, and increasing employment
especially through aid to 'small business.'

Numerous analysts have said that NDP votes reflected
peoples' 'desire' for more Left policies; that NDP
votes signalled a rejection of 'corporate' parties; and
the like. The NDP certainly is the most progressive of
the major parties, and the increase in the votes for
the party reflected a rejection of Harper. But it is
difficult to categorically translate the NDP's votes as
a dramatic move of the electorate to the Left.

Given the impossibility of identifying NDP electoral
success with a rupture with neoliberal policies, what
might unfold in the wake of the federal election? The
NDP gains in Quebec might create openings for a more
progressive political voice than the Bloc. But this is
unstable, with a still-untested political orientation.
How it will articulate the larger policies of the party
with the national aspirations of its constituencies is
not clear. As others have noted, there is a
contradiction between efforts to represent the demands
for national self-determination and the political
requirements for protecting the needs of the Quebec
Nation, on the one hand; and the need to placate the
utter lack of understanding in the rest of Canada (even
within the organized working-class) of the Quebec
national reality, on the other. As the NDP looks to
solidify the party's official opposition status and
move toward vying for power in the future - as was the
clear mandate of their Vancouver Convention - this
contradiction will be increasingly difficult to handle.
And with the sudden illness of Layton and his
withdrawal from the position of leader, the capacity to
bridge the regional components of the NDP has been
seriously compromised.

The electoral growth of the NDP in the rest of Canada
cannot be counted as a surge. It was modest, with seats
lost in core constituencies in Western Canada, and the
political orientation of this wing of the party hardly
clear. While the larger progressive community can see
the increase in seats in the Toronto area as a move
away from the Liberals, and some of the political
strengths of the newly elected MPs are notable. But
there is little reason to think that this is a blow
against the fundamental building blocks of Harper's
agenda. The results were not accompanied by a
fundamental shift in ideology, or the development of a
large anti-neoliberal movement within the Canadian
working-class.

In a context where the party clearly is looking to
package itself as an alternative to the Liberals as the
government in waiting, it would make sense (within the
terms of its own ideological space) for the NDP to
increasingly package itself as being 'responsible' and
fully able to govern in ways which accommodate the
needs and concerns of capital. That has numerous and
obvious implications.

The party will also need to accommodate its current
electoral base, and that currently includes the labour
movement, reform-oriented NGOs and large sections of
other social movements. The NDP's relationship with the
labour movement is complex. As Murray Cooke has
written, the NDP always reflected more conservative
elements in labour, concerned about winning over middle
class and moderate voters. And one only has to think
back to the election of the Bob Rae government in
Ontario in 1990, to remember how most labour leaders
and many activists fully justified the supposed need of
the new Premier to govern 'in the name of all the
people of Ontario,' which was a not-so-subtle way of
saying publicly at the beginning of the mandate that
'we have no intention of making any fundamental
changes.'

The entire neoliberal experience - from the Social
Contract in Ontario, NDP provincial governments in BC,
Saskatchewan, Manitoba and now Nova Scotia - has made
most trade unionists wary of the role of the party,
even when they support it. Apart from the strongest
social democratic ideologues in the labour movement,
the relationship with the NDP is not what is was in the
1970s and 1980s, as the party apparatus has sought to
lessen the role of the labour movement and labour has
been splitting politically both to the right and left
in its electoral tactics. What remains of labour
movement support is now more thin and guarded than in
the past: it is more instrumental and less organic.

The relationship between the labour movement and the
NDP reflects a real dilemma facing the labour movement
in the neoliberal era: with social democratic parties
like the NDP incapable of challenging capital, and
moving ever more toward accommodation to neoliberal
ideas, how should the labour movement approach
electoral politics? With the regional and other
divisions in the Canadian political terrain, this
became even more challenging to a labour movement
looking for some way of fighting the Tories, all the
while seeking electoral successes that would defeat the
hard right.

In its political discourse and organizing strategies,
the NDP, rather than helping to build a class identity
within Canadian workers, actively contributes to its
disorganization. The NDP reinforces working-class
identification as consumers, citizens, individuals or
'families,' individual taxpayers (via the anti-HST
campaigns) and members of particular communities. The
party de-emphasizes efforts to challenge capital as a
class, by ignoring any challenges to capital and
especially, the financial sector. The forms of
political engagement it initiates fully accept the
impossibility of applying ongoing demands for democracy
to the economy. When they get into government - at
least on a provincial level - they don't reorganize the
state or civil service to enhance the democratic
capacities or collective identities of working people.

Having a party to the Left of the Liberals as Official
Opposition in Ottawa will provide some openings for
labour and other social movements. NDP MPs featured in
the media and regularly in Question Period defending
postal workers' right to strike, questioning military
adventures and the like can help to legitimate
progressive points of view in the eyes of many
Canadians. This is important and can create certain
political openings for the labour and other social
movements, and for more radical critiques. As well,
labour and left activists can develop ongoing working
relationships with the caucus and individual MPs, such
as Peggy Nash, Libby Davies and others, who play
important roles in supporting and building the labour
and social movements. The NDP and the Left

The increase in the NDP's electoral support does not
resolve either the immediate need to construct an
anti-neoliberal bloc against Harper or forming a
socialist movement for the 21st century in Canada. Many
social movement activists and political columnists use
the term 'progressive'; to define the Left. The reality
is that there are a number of different Lefts in
Canada. Across the developed capitalist world, there is
a broad division between those who identify with the
Right - combining various degrees of social
conservatism and more traditional forms of political
conservatism with supporting the deepening of
neoliberal restructuring and the identification of the
interests of the business community with that of the
country - and a progressive opinion base, who tend to
support collective rights, human rights, social
programs, the rights of labour and harbour a hostility
to the neoliberal universe of economic and political
life. These divisions are significant and enduring, and
vary in the balances depending on the country and the
context.

In Canada, the progressive part of that divide includes
the general opposition to integration with the U.S., an
anti-war sensibility and roughly corresponds to those
who opposed the neoliberal and globalization projects
dating from the early days of opposition to the Free
Trade Agreement of 1989.

The progressive/conservative divide tells us a lot
about who might be on our side in a larger defence of
values and interests such as Medicare, what remains of
universal social programs and the like. It will, no
doubt, help to explain some of the battle lines that
will be built in fighting Harper.

However, there is much that this general division
doesn't tell us. In Canada, as in most other countries,
many of those who tend to dominate the thinking of the
progressives exhibit a kind of nostalgia for the
pre-neoliberal era and are steeped in social democratic
or liberal-reformist political orientations. The
informal basis of unity for progressivism leaves the
economy to operate along the rules of the neoliberal
capitalism that it claims to abhor. As Ed Broadbent
recently noted in a series of interviews regarding his
plans for an NDP-oriented think-tank, the challenge,
for many of these people is to find ways to balance a
market economy, with social justice and equality
(recalling the reform project of J.S. Mill that
Broadbent adheres to). This 'balance' is false to begin
with, as the state and market are not enclosed entities
but are equally parts of the power structures of
capitalism; in any case, some idealized 'reform
balance' of 'just state' has been impossible to sustain
in the era of neoliberalism. The most that we might get
from this are calls for increasing taxes on the wealthy
and corporations, moderate regulation of financial
institutions and investments in urban infrastructure.
Important and positive but limited policy reforms.

As well, there is no class base or orientation that
comes from such 'balance' approach, other than resting
on vague appeals to the middle classes - the average
Canadians, and working families of NDP electoral
discourse. The very idea of creating a working-class
movement, identity and collective capacity really is
not what this kind of a political project or identity
is really about. It does not have an anti-capitalist or
socialist orientation. That is its greatest weakness
and helps to explain why its ability to act as a
political force for the Left, organizing and mobilizing
the union and social movements, is so limited. When it
acts politically, it does so as an adjunct to political
parties that are tied to the system and argue from
within the boundaries of capitalism and neoliberalism.
In Canada, it works with the NDP and continues to have
ties to elements in the Liberal party. Absorbing the
description of the Left into a vague progressive
movement is short sighted analytically, and it misses
the important features and needs in building Canadian
oppositional politics. Challenges for Socialists

The socialist left in Canada is small and still looking
to re-define itself. But it still has a particular set
of responsibilities, openings, but also difficult
struggles ahead. They include above all the need to
address some critical challenges: to find ways to
resist Harper's agenda and the austerity attacks it
will entail (in an environment disappointingly free of
mass collective struggles at this time). But there are
others as well: working with and through different
working-class organizations and movements as well as
larger social movements; developing some strategic
clarity about who to unite with; seeking ways to
counter the appeals of right-wing populist ideas and
the current state of working-class consciousness and
thinking, all the while contributing to the rebuilding
of a larger class identification across the highly
divided and segmented components of the working-class;
continuing the process of working together with other
anti-capitalist activists; and figuring out how to
develop working relations with the NDP, all the while
not getting enmeshed in the seductive promises of
social democratic politics, power and the
organizational nexus of the party.

The necessity of responding to Harper's agenda is the
number one challenge the Left faces. This will require
a combination of extra parliamentary resistance,
building new alliances between different segments of
the working-class and social movements, engagement with
the larger 'progressive' community and the development
of an alternative politics that rejects both Harper as
well as efforts to create a kinder and gentler
capitalism.

The NDP can be an ally in numerous struggles (although
it may be the opposite as well in certain instances).
We need to develop a way of using some of the space
that has been created by the party's new parliamentary
role to further our struggles, without relying on their
political leadership, orientation or larger ambitions.
Using the recent experience of the CUPW and Air Canada
strikes, the key is for us to build mass struggles and
political campaigns that compel them to defend in the
mainstream political institutions that they inhabit.

We can also use our relations with some of the more
Left-wing and activist members of their caucus and
party to argue for some of our concerns.

None of this necessarily compromises the project of
building a socialist political alternative, or a
class-oriented movement on which it must be based. That
process will go on independent of the NDP as it is a
fundamentally different project, and all efforts to
work inside have been dismal failures and largely
misleading efforts.

We need to introduce environmental sensibilities and a
socialist orientation to efforts to rebuild an
alternative vision of Canada. Such an eco-socialist
approach would argue for transforming production,
investment, consumption and how our cities are
organized, and how we create jobs. It is interesting
how almost all of the commentators on the election and
the recent NDP convention dismissed out of hand the
potential for an alternative, socialist vision to have
any resonance with Canadian working people. Even in the
reporting on the debate about dropping references to
socialism, there are no programmatic references to any
kind of fundamental transformation project.

There is a need to create, build and nurture a Left
movement, rooted in the working-class, that challenges
the fundamental rules of neoliberalism, and operates
well to the left of the NDP and the increasing
influence it will surely wield as it looks toward the
potential of power.

There is a need to create, build and nurture a Left
movement, rooted in the working-class, that challenges
the fundamental rules of neoliberalism, and operates
well to the left of the NDP and the increasing
influence it will surely wield as it looks toward the
potential of power. But even posing this as a needed
orientation is not without controversy. There are many
of us on the socialist left who disagree about where
our emphasis and priorities should be.

There are signs of new forms of resistance and
organization - both within the labour movement and the
social movement left. Federal and provincial workers'
unions are developing campaigns against cuts to public
spending and privatization. The struggle of CUPW was an
important beginning in exposing and opposing Harper's
agenda. There are resistance activities here in
Ontario: organizations with deep roots in many
communities, such as the Ontario Health Coalition is
organizing fights against health care cuts; there are
new and creative projects in mixed, marginalized and
poor neighbourhoods against the cutbacks by the Toronto
municipal Ford administration; educational campaigns
and new forms of resistance in the labour movement in
the Toronto civic workers unions, Canadian Union of
Public Employees (CUPE) local 416 and the larger
Toronto Labour Council and a number of the Ontario
Federation of Labour (OFL) affiliates; efforts to build
support and general understanding of the struggle of
workers against employer and state attacks at Air
Canada and the Canadian Union of Postal Workers (CUPW)
(also seeking to deepen and raise the level of the
fightback by the unions involved across the country).

The willingness and ability to actually educate and
mobilize members around opposition to the neoliberal
agenda and the current attacks by governments is
extremely uneven inside the labour movement and
shouldn't be overestimated. In many ways, building a
challenge to the Harper agenda and its provincial
counterparts will require a wholesale transformation of
the internal political cultures of the unions involved.

There are, of course, Left political movements with
fundamentally different visions and projects (even
though they often work with components of and under the
larger umbrella of the constellation of groupings that
make up the progressive left). The socialist Left
argues for the creation of a working class-based
movement to challenge the logic and ultimately the
power of the private market system. It is small and
exists in the form of organizations with bases in
several large cities and is loosely associated. Quebec
Solidaire, the Left political party in Quebec, is a
larger activist and electoral project that includes
many elements of the socialist left, as well as social
democrats, within it. Its larger political orientation
remains an object of contention and debate, as is its
capacity to mix both mass, extra-parliamentary
struggle, with electoral activities. There are also
anarchist-influenced militant social movement Lefts
that are also rooted in different cities across the
country, including those with syndicalist tendencies,
as well as others rooted in marginalized communities.

In Toronto, the Greater Toronto Workers' Assembly
(GTWA) includes different components of these
anti-capitalist left orientations. Working through
individual groups, or as members of initiatives such as
the GTWA, the socialist and anti-capitalist left has to
consider the ways it wants to engage with and push
forward the above initiatives and, in particular, ask
ourselves how can we build a larger, class-based
political movement, linking an understanding and
criticism of the underlying economic and political
system, with a call to work toward an alternative. That
might include initiatives such as developing new ways
of fighting to create jobs, raising issues such as
dramatically expanding social service provision, public
ownership of the financial sector and demanding that
the state take over redundant manufacturing facilities,
and use them to produce environmentally sustainable
forms of transportation equipment or infrastructure.

There is no movement, party or organization which
serves as a reference point to the Left of social
democracy - operating both through struggles, but as a
political entity. This needs to change. *

Herman Rosenfeld teaches Labour Studies at McMaster
University.
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~(((( The   B u l l e t ))))~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
• ISSN 1923-7871 •

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November 2017, Week 2
November 2017, Week 1
October 2017, Week 5
October 2017, Week 4
October 2017, Week 3
October 2017, Week 2
October 2017, Week 1
September 2017, Week 5
September 2017, Week 4
September 2017, Week 3
September 2017, Week 2
September 2017, Week 1
August 2017, Week 5
August 2017, Week 4
August 2017, Week 3
August 2017, Week 2
August 2017, Week 1
July 2017, Week 5
July 2017, Week 4
July 2017, Week 3
July 2017, Week 2
July 2017, Week 1
June 2017, Week 5
June 2017, Week 4
June 2017, Week 3
June 2017, Week 2
June 2017, Week 1
May 2017, Week 5
May 2017, Week 4
May 2017, Week 3
May 2017, Week 2
May 2017, Week 1
April 2017, Week 5
April 2017, Week 4
April 2017, Week 3
April 2017, Week 2
April 2017, Week 1
March 2017, Week 5
March 2017, Week 4
March 2017, Week 3
March 2017, Week 2
March 2017, Week 1
February 2017, Week 4
February 2017, Week 3
February 2017, Week 2
February 2017, Week 1
January 2017, Week 5
January 2017, Week 4
January 2017, Week 3
January 2017, Week 2
January 2017, Week 1
December 2016, Week 5
December 2016, Week 4
December 2016, Week 3
December 2016, Week 2
December 2016, Week 1
November 2016, Week 5
November 2016, Week 4
November 2016, Week 3
November 2016, Week 2
November 2016, Week 1
October 2016, Week 5
October 2016, Week 4
October 2016, Week 3
October 2016, Week 2
October 2016, Week 1
September 2016, Week 5
September 2016, Week 4
September 2016, Week 3
September 2016, Week 2
September 2016, Week 1
August 2016, Week 5
August 2016, Week 4
August 2016, Week 3
August 2016, Week 2
August 2016, Week 1
July 2016, Week 5
July 2016, Week 4
July 2016, Week 3
July 2016, Week 2
July 2016, Week 1
June 2016, Week 5
June 2016, Week 4
June 2016, Week 3
June 2016, Week 2
June 2016, Week 1
May 2016, Week 5
May 2016, Week 4
May 2016, Week 3
May 2016, Week 2
May 2016, Week 1
April 2016, Week 5
April 2016, Week 4
April 2016, Week 3
April 2016, Week 2
April 2016, Week 1
March 2016, Week 5
March 2016, Week 4
March 2016, Week 3
March 2016, Week 2
March 2016, Week 1
February 2016, Week 5
February 2016, Week 4
February 2016, Week 3
February 2016, Week 2
February 2016, Week 1
January 2016, Week 5
January 2016, Week 4
January 2016, Week 3
January 2016, Week 2
January 2016, Week 1
December 2015, Week 5
December 2015, Week 4
December 2015, Week 3
December 2015, Week 2
December 2015, Week 1
November 2015, Week 5
November 2015, Week 4
November 2015, Week 3
November 2015, Week 2
November 2015, Week 1
October 2015, Week 5
October 2015, Week 4
October 2015, Week 3
October 2015, Week 2
October 2015, Week 1
September 2015, Week 5
September 2015, Week 4
September 2015, Week 3
September 2015, Week 2
September 2015, Week 1
August 2015, Week 5
August 2015, Week 4
August 2015, Week 3
August 2015, Week 2
August 2015, Week 1
July 2015, Week 5
July 2015, Week 4
July 2015, Week 3
July 2015, Week 2
July 2015, Week 1
June 2015, Week 5
June 2015, Week 4
June 2015, Week 3
June 2015, Week 2
June 2015, Week 1
May 2015, Week 5
May 2015, Week 4
May 2015, Week 3
May 2015, Week 2
May 2015, Week 1
April 2015, Week 5
April 2015, Week 4
April 2015, Week 3
April 2015, Week 2
April 2015, Week 1
March 2015, Week 5
March 2015, Week 4
March 2015, Week 3
March 2015, Week 2
March 2015, Week 1
February 2015, Week 4
February 2015, Week 3
February 2015, Week 2
February 2015, Week 1
January 2015, Week 5
January 2015, Week 4
January 2015, Week 3
January 2015, Week 2
January 2015, Week 1
December 2014, Week 5
December 2014, Week 4
December 2014, Week 3
December 2014, Week 2
December 2014, Week 1
November 2014, Week 5
November 2014, Week 4
November 2014, Week 3
November 2014, Week 2
November 2014, Week 1
October 2014, Week 5
October 2014, Week 4
October 2014, Week 3
October 2014, Week 2
October 2014, Week 1
September 2014, Week 5
September 2014, Week 4
September 2014, Week 3
September 2014, Week 2
September 2014, Week 1
August 2014, Week 5
August 2014, Week 4
August 2014, Week 3
August 2014, Week 2
August 2014, Week 1
July 2014, Week 5
July 2014, Week 4
July 2014, Week 3
July 2014, Week 2
July 2014, Week 1
June 2014, Week 5
June 2014, Week 4
June 2014, Week 3
June 2014, Week 2
June 2014, Week 1
May 2014, Week 5
May 2014, Week 4
May 2014, Week 3
May 2014, Week 2
May 2014, Week 1
April 2014, Week 5
April 2014, Week 4
April 2014, Week 3
April 2014, Week 2
April 2014, Week 1
March 2014, Week 5
March 2014, Week 4
March 2014, Week 3
March 2014, Week 2
March 2014, Week 1
February 2014, Week 4
February 2014, Week 3
February 2014, Week 2
February 2014, Week 1
January 2014, Week 5
January 2014, Week 4
January 2014, Week 3
January 2014, Week 2
January 2014, Week 1
December 2013, Week 5
December 2013, Week 4
December 2013, Week 3
December 2013, Week 2
December 2013, Week 1
November 2013, Week 5
November 2013, Week 4
November 2013, Week 3
November 2013, Week 2
November 2013, Week 1
October 2013, Week 5
October 2013, Week 4
October 2013, Week 3
October 2013, Week 2
October 2013, Week 1
September 2013, Week 5
September 2013, Week 4
September 2013, Week 3
September 2013, Week 2
September 2013, Week 1
August 2013, Week 5
August 2013, Week 4
August 2013, Week 3
August 2013, Week 2
August 2013, Week 1
July 2013, Week 5
July 2013, Week 4
July 2013, Week 3
July 2013, Week 2
July 2013, Week 1
June 2013, Week 5
June 2013, Week 4
June 2013, Week 3
June 2013, Week 2
June 2013, Week 1
May 2013, Week 5
May 2013, Week 4
May 2013, Week 3
May 2013, Week 2
May 2013, Week 1
April 2013, Week 5
April 2013, Week 4
April 2013, Week 3
April 2013, Week 2
April 2013, Week 1
March 2013, Week 5
March 2013, Week 4
March 2013, Week 3
March 2013, Week 2
March 2013, Week 1
February 2013, Week 4
February 2013, Week 3
February 2013, Week 2
February 2013, Week 1
January 2013, Week 5
January 2013, Week 4
January 2013, Week 3
January 2013, Week 2
January 2013, Week 1
December 2012, Week 5
December 2012, Week 4
December 2012, Week 3
December 2012, Week 2
December 2012, Week 1
November 2012, Week 5
November 2012, Week 4
November 2012, Week 3
November 2012, Week 2
November 2012, Week 1
October 2012, Week 5
October 2012, Week 4
October 2012, Week 3
October 2012, Week 2
October 2012, Week 1
September 2012, Week 5
September 2012, Week 4
September 2012, Week 3
September 2012, Week 2
September 2012, Week 1
August 2012, Week 5
August 2012, Week 4
August 2012, Week 3
August 2012, Week 2
August 2012, Week 1
July 2012, Week 5
July 2012, Week 4
July 2012, Week 3
July 2012, Week 2
July 2012, Week 1
June 2012, Week 5
June 2012, Week 4
June 2012, Week 3
June 2012, Week 2
June 2012, Week 1
May 2012, Week 5
May 2012, Week 4
May 2012, Week 3
May 2012, Week 2
May 2012, Week 1
April 2012, Week 5
April 2012, Week 4
April 2012, Week 3
April 2012, Week 2
April 2012, Week 1
March 2012, Week 5
March 2012, Week 4
March 2012, Week 3
March 2012, Week 2
March 2012, Week 1
February 2012, Week 5
February 2012, Week 4
February 2012, Week 3
February 2012, Week 2
February 2012, Week 1
January 2012, Week 5
January 2012, Week 4
January 2012, Week 3
January 2012, Week 2
January 2012, Week 1
December 2011, Week 5
December 2011, Week 4
December 2011, Week 3
December 2011, Week 2
December 2011, Week 1
November 2011, Week 5
November 2011, Week 4
November 2011, Week 3
November 2011, Week 2
November 2011, Week 1
October 2011, Week 5
October 2011, Week 4
October 2011, Week 3
October 2011, Week 2
October 2011, Week 1
September 2011, Week 5
September 2011, Week 4
September 2011, Week 3
September 2011, Week 2
September 2011, Week 1
August 2011, Week 5
August 2011, Week 4
August 2011, Week 3
August 2011, Week 2
August 2011, Week 1
July 2011, Week 5
July 2011, Week 4
July 2011, Week 3
July 2011, Week 2
July 2011, Week 1
June 2011, Week 5
June 2011, Week 4
June 2011, Week 3
June 2011, Week 2
June 2011, Week 1
May 2011, Week 5
May 2011, Week 4
May 2011, Week 3
May 2011, Week 2
May 2011, Week 1
April 2011, Week 5
April 2011, Week 4
April 2011, Week 3
April 2011, Week 2
April 2011, Week 1
March 2011, Week 5
March 2011, Week 4
March 2011, Week 3
March 2011, Week 2
March 2011, Week 1
February 2011, Week 4
February 2011, Week 3
February 2011, Week 2
February 2011, Week 1
January 2011, Week 5
January 2011, Week 4
January 2011, Week 3
January 2011, Week 2
January 2011, Week 1
December 2010, Week 5
December 2010, Week 4
December 2010, Week 3
December 2010, Week 2
December 2010, Week 1
November 2010, Week 5
November 2010, Week 4
November 2010, Week 3
November 2010, Week 2
November 2010, Week 1
October 2010, Week 5
October 2010, Week 4
October 2010, Week 3
October 2010, Week 2
October 2010, Week 1
September 2010, Week 5
September 2010, Week 4
September 2010, Week 3
September 2010, Week 2
September 2010, Week 1
August 2010, Week 5
August 2010, Week 4
August 2010, Week 3
August 2010, Week 2
August 2010, Week 1
July 2010, Week 5
July 2010, Week 4
July 2010, Week 3
July 2010, Week 2
July 2010, Week 1

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