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PORTSIDE  June 2011, Week 1

PORTSIDE June 2011, Week 1

Subject:

The Rebirth of Solidarity on the Border

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Wed, 1 Jun 2011 23:19:29 -0400

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The Rebirth of Solidarity on the Border

by David Bacon
Published by the Americas Program
May 31, 2011
http://www.cipamericas.org/archives/4697

Editor's Note: This is the third article of a series on
border solidarity by journalist and immigration
activist David Bacon. This article and subsequent
stories were originally published in the Institute for
Transnational Social Change's report Building a Culture
of Cross-Border Solidarity. To download a PDF of the
entire report, visit the Americas Program website.

The growth of cross-border solidarity today is taking
place at a time when U.S. penetration of Mexico is
growing - economically, politically, and even
militarily.  While the relationship between the U.S.
and Mexico has it's own special characteristics, it is
also part of a global system of production,
distribution and consumption.  It is not just a
bilateral relationship.

Jobs go from the U.S. and Canada to Mexico in order to
cut labor costs.  But from Mexico those same jobs go
China or Bangladesh or dozens of other countries, where
labor costs are even lower.  As important, the threat
to move those jobs, experienced by workers in the U.S.
from the 1970s onwards, are now common in Mexico.
Those threats force concessions on wages. In Sony's
huge Nuevo Laredo factory, for instance, that threat
was used to make workers agree to an indefinite
temporary employment status, even though Mexican law
prohibited it.

Multiple production locations undermine unions'
bargaining leverage, since action by workers in a
single workplace can't shut down production for the
entire corporation.  The UAW, for instance, was beaten
during a strike at Caterpillar in large part because
even though the union could stop production in the
U.S., production in Mexico continued.  Grupo Mexico can
use profits gained in mining operations in Peru to
subsidize the costs of a strike in Cananea.

The privatization of electricity in Mexico will not
just affect Mexicans.  Already plants built by Sempra
Energy and Enron in Mexico are like maquiladoras,
selling electricity into the grid across the border.
If privatization grows, that will have an impact on US
unions and jobs, giving utility unions in the U.S. a
reason to help Mexican workers resist it.  This
requires more than solidarity between unions facing the
same employer.  It requires solidarity in resisting the
imposition of neoliberal reforms like privatization and
labor law reform as well.

At the same time, the concentration of wealth has
created a new political situation in both countries.
In Mexico, the PRI functioned as a mediator between
organized workers and business.  PRI governments used
repression to stop the growth of social movements
outside the system it controlled.  But the government
also used negotiations in the interest of long-term
stability.  The interests of the wealthy were
protected, but some sections of the population also
received social benefits, and unions had recognized
rights.  In 1994, for instance, the government put
leaders of Mexico City's bus union SUTAUR in prison.
But then it proceeded to negotiate with them while they
were in jail.

The victory of Vicente Fox and the PAN in 2000 created
a new situation, in which the corporate class, grown
rich and powerful because of earlier reforms, no longer
desired the same kind of social pact or its political
intermediaries.  The old corporatist system, in which
unions had a role, was no longer necessary.  Meanwhile
employers and the government have been more willing to
use force.  Unions like the Mexican Electricians Union
(SME) and miners face not just repression, but
destruction.

In the U.S. a similar process took place during the
years after the Vietnam War, when corporations made
similar decisions.  After the Federal government broke
the air traffic controller's (PATCO) strike, the use of
strikebreakers became widespread.  Corporations
increasingly saw even business unions as unnecessary
for maintaining social peace and continued profits.
Union organizing became a kind of labor warfare.  A
whole industry of union busters appeared, making the
process set up by U.S. labor law in the 1930s much less
usable by workers seeking to organize.

Labor law reform, national healthcare, and other basic
pro-worker reforms became politically impossible in the
post-Vietnam era, even under Democratic presidents whom
unions helped elect.  Public workers did succeed in
organizing during this period, however, and eventually
U.S. union strength became more and more concentrated
in that sector.  But much as the public sector in
Mexico came under attack, the U.S. public sector became
the target for the U.S. right, for similar reasons.
This too changed the landscape for solidarity, giving
the most politically powerful section of the U.S. labor
movement, at least potentially, a greater interest in
solidarity with Mexican labor.

In both countries, the main union battles are now ones
to preserve what workers have previously achieved,
rather than to make new gains.  Mexican unions are
enmeshed in the state labor process, in which the
government still certifies unions' existence, and to a
large degree controls their bargaining.  In the U.S.
labor is endangered by economic crisis, falling
density, and an increasingly hostile political system.
This leads to a rise in nationalism and protectionism,
creating new obstacles for solidarity.

As the attacks against unions grow stronger, solidarity
is becoming necessary for survival.  Unions face a
basic question on both sides of the border - can they
win the battles they face today, especially political
ones, without joining their efforts together?
Fortunately, this is not an abstract question.
Enormous progress has taken place over the last two
decades.

THE U.S. labor movement had to be dragged by its base
into opposing NAFTA.  The AFL-CIO's international
apparatus in Washington DC had a history during the
cold war of supporting free trade and U.S. foreign
policy.  But the unions it supported in Mexico,
especially the CTM, lined up behind the Mexican
government, and therefore supported the treaty.

Individual U.S. unions began looking across the border
for themselves, seeking new contacts with unions
opposed to the free trade agreement.  The FAT's
Benedicto Martinez traveled the US in the free trade
caravan, organized by the Teamsters Union, to build
rank and file opposition to NAFTA.  He spoke in many
meetings of the United Electrical Workers.  He
remembers, "NAFTA shocked a lot of US unions out of
their inertia - not so much their national leaders, but
people in local unions.  They're the ones who began
pushing the structure to move on globalization, to form
new international relations and look for solidarity.
That's what moved their leaders to pay attention to the
border.  It was people in local unions that began
building the bridges across the border to unions in
Mexico.  The more local unions got involved, the
broader this movement became."

The NAFTA debate provoked discussion about the
relationship between workers in Mexico and the US.
Many union members responded by supporting efforts to
organize independent unions in the border plants.  "It
was a kind of school," Martinez recalls.  "It was not
so easy anymore for someone to say that Mexicans were
stealing jobs.  They could see there was a real
problem."

The border provided an area for experimenting with new
ways to organize workers.  The following decade saw an
explosion of activity on the border.  The maquiladora
organizing drive at Plasticos Bajacal in 1993 first
highlighted for U.S. unions the reality of public union
representation elections and the lack of the secret
ballot.  The San Diego Support Committee for
Maquiladora Workers raised enough money to pay lost
time for fired workers, so they could continue
organizing the factory.

The AFL-CIO's Ed Feigan and religious orders set up the
Coalition for Justice in the Maquiladoras in the late
1980s, which was dominated at the beginning by U.S.
unions and organizations.  As it began to coordinate
campaigns all along the border - CustomTrim/AutoTrim,
Duro Bag, Lajat/Levi's and others, the role of
organizations within the coalition changed.  Women from
the local plants and communities became more assertive,
while large unions and organizations grew
uncomfortable, feeling they could no longer hold the
coalition accountable.

The worker rebellion at the huge Sony factory was the
first major battle under NAFTA, and the first place
where the false promises of its labor side-agreement
became obvious.  Hundreds of workers were beaten in
front of the plant when they ran candidates in their
CTM union's election.  When that door was closed, they
tried to form an independent union, and were blocked by
the company and Mexican government.  NAFTA's labor side
agreement did nothing to change the situation.

The leader of the Sony workers, Martha Ojeda, was
smuggled by her coworkers across the Rio Grande to
Texas, and she eventually became director of the
Coalition for Justice in the Maquiladoras.

In the late 1990s two strikes at Tijuana's Han Young
factory led to killing fast track authorization in the
U.S. Congress for the Free Trade Area of the Americas.
The independent union there became one of the first to
successfully force the government to give it legal
status.  Los Angeles' big oil union, later a local of
the Steel Workers, was a major source of support for
the strikers.  An investigation by the Maquiladora
Health and Safety Support Network documented dangerous
conditions and lack of inspections that violated
Mexican law, as the network also did at
CustonTrim/AutoTrim.  Those experiences in maquiladoras
were the precursors of the later investigation into
silicosis among striking miners in Cananea.

The Comite Fronterizo de Obreras organized workers at
Alcoa Fujikura, and even forced Alcoa's CEO to
negotiate over conditions there. Enlace, a unique
coalition of Mexican and U.S. unions and non-
governmental organizations, supported living wage
campaigns among maquiladora workers in north Mexico,
and battles for independent unions at Sara Lee.  It
became the support base for SITTIM, an independent
union of workers in Baja California's maquiladora
industry.  The union first organized garment workers in
Korean-owned factories, and then workers in Korean-
owned seafood processing plants, in Baja California
Sur.  Both during the Han Young and SITTIM campaigns
the workers made contact with the Korean Confederation
of Trade Unions, a significant step since Korean
corporations own a significant part of Mexico's
maquiladora industry.

Struggles have taken place in maquiladoras for two
decades all along the border.  Many centers or
collectives of workers have come together over those
years.  Walkouts over unpaid wages or indemnizacion, or
terrible conditions, are still relatively common.
Local activists still find ways to support them, like
the Collective Ollin Calli in Tijuana, and its network
of allies across the border in Tijuana, the San Diego
Maquiladora Workers Solidarity Network.

Over the years, support from many U.S. unions and
churches, and from unions and labor institutions in
Mexico City, has often been critical in helping these
collectives survive, especially during the pitched
battles to win legal status for independent unions.
But overall that support has not been constant.  Often
the worker groups in the maquiladoras and the cities of
the border have had to survive on their own, or with
extremely limited resources.  While workers may whisper
in secret about Martha Ojeda, and call her when they're
in deep trouble, the resource base for the Coalition
has diminished seriously during the current recession.
Many organizations have stopped supporting it.

Maria Estela Rios Gonzalez, a CJM board member, former
legal advisor to Lopez Obrador when he was Mexico City
Mayor, and former president of the National Association
of Democratic Lawyers, believes greater commitment
still faces a perception in Mexico City that the border
region is a remote area, far from the places where
decisive changes are made in the country's direction.
"Local struggles on the border have never been
successful in becoming national causes," she charges.
The same observation could be made about the way large
U.S. unions and organizations see border struggles.  In
addition, the difficulties of maintaining a cross-
border relationship in which unorganized factory
workers play a leading role have never been adequately
examined.

Despite the flight of many jobs to China, a U.S.
economic recession that has caused massive layoffs in
border plants, and extreme levels of violence in many
border communities, the maquiladora industry in north
Mexico is still enormous.  Three thousand plants employ
over 1.3 million workers.  It's not just the size of
the industry that makes these plants important.
They've been the laboratories for the rightward shift
in labor law and labor relations, now being applied to
workers across Mexico.  The states are a stronghold of
political conservatism and corporate power, because of
the disenfranchisement of their working population.

A vibrant and strong labor movement on the border would
change Mexico's politics.  The influence of the
maquiladoras on U.S. employment and runaway production
over the years is undeniable, and strong unions there
would have a tremendous impact on U.S. labor too.  The
growth of labor solidarity in the last two decades
between the U.S. and Mexico owes a lot to the border
labor wars.  It was there that U.S. unions first
acquired a clear vision of the importance of their
relations with Mexican workers.   The decline in
activity in border factories over the last few years,
and in the support from major unions and institutions
in both countries for it, is a real weakness in the
efforts to build a culture of labor solidarity.

When Oaxacan migrants were striking in Sinaloa and Baja
California fields in the 1980s, support from U.S. farm
worker unions could have helped their movements
survive.  That, in turn, might have given the U.S.
unions leverage in bargaining with those employers on
the U.S. side.  And when those Oaxacan migrants showed
up in U.S. fields, they would already have had a
history of friendship and cooperation with U.S. unions.

David Bacon is a California writer and photojournalist.
His latest book is Illegal People: How Globalization
Creates Migration and Criminalizes Immigrants.

The Institute for Transnational Social Change (ITSC) is
a hub for cross-border collaboration among key worker-
led organizations (independent unions, worker centers,
NGOs, and academics) in Mexico and the United States.
The institute seeks to address the needs of a low-wage
workforce that is often hard-to-reach - migrant
workers, women in the garment industry, farm workers,
miners, and other workers in industries dominated by
highly mobile transnational corporations - and to
increase opportunities for cross-border collaboration.
The present report is part of a series of publications
sponsored by ITSC.  For more information about the
ITSC, contact Gaspar Rivera-Salgado at UCLA,
[log in to unmask]

Other articles in this series: The Hidden History of
Mexico/U.S. Labor Solidarity Labor Law Reform - A Key
Battle for Mexican Unions Today To read the previous
installments, visit the Americas Program website. For
more articles and images, see  http://dbacon.igc.org

See also Illegal People -- How Globalization Creates
Migration and Criminalizes Immigrants  (Beacon Press,
2008) Recipient: C.L.R. James Award, best book of
2007-2008
http://www.beacon.org/productdetails.cfm?PC=2002

See also the photodocumentary on indigenous migration
to the US Communities Without Borders (Cornell
University/ILR Press, 2006)
http://www.cornellpress.cornell.edu/cup_detail.taf?ti_i
d=4575

See also The Children of NAFTA, Labor Wars on the
U.S./Mexico Border (University of California, 2004)
http://www.ucpress.edu/books/pages/9989.html

--

__________________________________

David Bacon, Photographs and Stories
http://dbacon.igc.org

___________________________________________

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