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PORTSIDE  March 2011, Week 3

PORTSIDE March 2011, Week 3

Subject:

The Stoner Arms Dealers

From:

Portside Moderator <[log in to unmask]>

Reply-To:

[log in to unmask]

Date:

Mon, 21 Mar 2011 00:17:11 -0400

Content-Type:

text/plain

Parts/Attachments:

Parts/Attachments

text/plain (271 lines)

The Stoner Arms Dealers
How two American kids became big-time weapons traders
- until the Pentagon turned on them
By Guy Lawson
Rolling Stone
March 16, 2011
http://www.rollingstone.com/politics/news/the-stoner-arms-dealers-20110316

[moderator: this is an excerpt from a much longer
article.  To read the entire article and view
accompanying material please go to:
http://www.rollingstone.com/politics/news/the-stoner-arms-dealers-20110316]

Packouz and Diveroli had picked the perfect moment to
get into the arms business. To fight simultaneous wars
in both Afghanistan and Iraq, the Bush administration
had decided to outsource virtually every facet of
America's military operations, from building and
staffing Army bases to hiring mercenaries to provide
security for diplomats abroad. After Bush took office,
private military contracts soared from $145 billion in
2001 to $390 billion in 2008. Federal contracting rules
were routinely ignored or skirted, and military-
industrial giants like Raytheon and Lockheed Martin
cashed in as war profiteering went from war crime to
business model. Why shouldn't a couple of inexperienced
newcomers like Packouz and Diveroli get in on the
action? After all, the two friends were after the same
thing as everyone else in the arms business - lots and
lots and lots of money.

"I was going to make millions," Packouz says. "I didn't
plan on being an arms dealer forever - I was going to
use the money to start a music career. I had never even
owned a gun. But it was thrilling and fascinating to be
in a business that decided the fate of nations. Nobody
else our age was dealing weapons on an international
level."

Packouz and Diveroli met at Beth Israel Congregation,
the largest Orthodox synagogue in Miami Beach. Packouz
was older by four years, a skinny kid who wore a
yarmulke and left his white dress shirts untucked.
Diveroli was the class clown, an overweight kid with a
big mouth and no sense of fear. After school, the pair
would hang out at the beach with their friends, smoking
weed, playing guitar, sneaking in to swim in the pools
at five-star hotels. When Packouz graduated, his parents
were so concerned about his heavy pot use that they sent
him to a school in Israel that specialized in handling
kids with drug problems. It turned out to be a great
place to get high. "I took acid by the Dead Sea,"
Packouz says. "I had a transcendental experience."

Returning home, Packouz drifted through two semesters at
the University of Florida. Short of cash, he studied
massage because it seemed like a better way to make
money than flipping burgers. Nights, he sat around with
his high school buddies getting high and dreaming of
becoming a pop star. He wrote angsty rock ballads with
titles like "Eternal Moment" - but it was hard to get a
break in the music industry. With a shaved head and
intense blue eyes, Packouz was plenty smart and plenty
ambitious, in his slacker fashion, but he had no idea
what to do with his life.

Efraim Diveroli, by contrast, knew exactly what he
wanted to be: an arms dealer. It was the family
business. His father brokered Kevlar jackets and other
weapons-related paraphernalia to local police forces,
and his uncle B.K. sold Glocks, Colts and Sig Sauers to
law enforcement. Kicked out of school in the ninth
grade, Diveroli was sent to Los Angeles to work for his
uncle. As an apprentice arms dealer, he proved to be a
quick study. By the time he was 16, he was traveling the
country selling weapons. He loved guns with a passion -
selling them, shooting them, talking about them - and he
loved the arms industry's intrigue and ruthless
amorality. At 18, after a dispute with his uncle over
money, Diveroli returned to Miami to set up his own
operation, taking over a shell company his father had
incorporated called AEY Inc.

His business plan was simple but brilliant. Most
companies grow by attracting more customers. Diveroli
realized he could succeed by selling to one customer:
the U.S. military. No government agency buys and sells
more stuff than the Defense Department - everything from
F-16s to paper clips and front-end loaders. By law,
every Pentagon purchase order is required to be open to
public bidding. And under the Bush administration, small
businesses like AEY were guaranteed a share of the arms
deals. Diveroli didn't have to actually make any of the
products to bid on the contracts. He could just broker
the deals, finding the cheapest prices and underbidding
the competition. All he had to do was win even a
minuscule fraction of the billions the Pentagon spends
on arms every year and he would be a millionaire. But
Diveroli wanted more than that: His ambition was to be
the biggest arms dealer in the world - a young Adnan
Khashoggi, a teenage Victor Bout.

To get into the game, Diveroli knew he would have to
deal with some of the world's shadiest operators - the
war criminals, soldiers of fortune, crooked diplomats
and small-time thugs who keep militaries and mercenaries
loaded with arms. The vast aftermarket in arms had grown
exponentially after the end of the Cold War. For
decades, weapons had been stockpiled in warehouses
throughout the Balkans and Eastern Europe for the threat
of war against the West, but now arms dealers were
selling them off to the highest bidder. The Pentagon
needed access to this new aftermarket to arm the
militias it was creating in Iraq and Afghanistan. The
trouble was, it couldn't go into such a murky underworld
on its own. It needed proxies to do its dirty work -
companies like AEY. The result was a new era of
lawlessness. According to a report by Amnesty
International, "Tens of millions of rounds of ammunition
from the Balkans were reportedly shipped - clandestinely
and without public oversight - to Iraq by a chain of
private brokers and transport contractors under the
auspices of the U.S. Department of Defense."

This was the "gray market" that Diveroli wanted to
penetrate. Still a teenager, he rented a room in a house
owned by a Hispanic family in Miami and went to work on
his laptop. The government website where contracts are
posted is fbo.gov, known as "FedBizOpps." Diveroli soon
became adept at the arcane lingo of federal contracts.
His competition was mostly big corporations like
Northrop Grumman, Lockheed and BAE Systems. Those
companies had entire departments dedicated to selling to
the Pentagon. But Diveroli had his own advantages: low
overhead, an appetite for risk and all-devouring
ambition.

In the beginning, Diveroli specialized in bidding on
smaller contracts for items like helmets and ammunition
for U.S. Special Forces. The deals were tiny, relatively
speaking, but they gave AEY a history of "past
performance" - the kind of track record the Pentagon
requires of companies that want to bid on large defense
contracts. Diveroli got financing from a Mormon named
Ralph Merrill, a machine-gun manufacturer from Utah who
had worked for his father. Before long, Diveroli was
winning Pentagon contracts.

Like all the kids in their pot-smoking circle, Packouz
was aware that Diveroli had become an arms dealer.
Diveroli loved to brag about how rich he was, and rumors
circulated among the stoners about the vast sums he was
making, at least compared with their crappy part-time
jobs. One evening, Diveroli picked Packouz up in his
Mercedes, and the two headed to a party at a local
rabbi's house, lured by the promise of free booze and
pretty girls. Diveroli was excited about a deal he had
just completed, a $15 million contract to sell old
Russian-manufactured rifles to the Pentagon to supply
the Iraqi army. He regaled Packouz with the tale of how
he had won the contract, how much money he was making
and how much more there was to be made.

"Dude, I've got so much work I need a partner," Diveroli
said. "It's a great business, but I need a guy to come
on board and make money with me."

Packouz was intrigued. He was doing some online business
himself, buying sheets from textile companies in
Pakistan and reselling them to distributors that
supplied nursing homes in Miami. The sums he made were
tiny - a thousand or two at a time - but the experience
made him hungry for more.

"How much money are you making, dude?" Packouz asked.

"Serious money," Diveroli said.

"How much?"

"This is confidential information," Diveroli said.

"Dude, if you had to leave the country tomorrow, how
much would you be able to take?"

"In cash?"

"Cold, hard cash."

Diveroli pulled the car over and turned to look at
Packouz. "Dude, I'm going to tell you," he said. "But
only to inspire you. Not because I'm bragging." Diveroli
paused, as if he were about to disclose his most
precious secret. "I have $1.8 million in cash."

Packouz stared in disbelief. He had expected Diveroli to
say something like $100,000, maybe a little more. But
nearly $2 million?

"Dude," was all Packouz said.

Packouz started working with Diveroli in November 2005.
His title was account executive. He would be paid
entirely in commission. The pair operated out of a one-
bedroom apartment Diveroli had by then rented in Miami
Beach, sitting opposite each other at a desk in the
living room, surrounded by stacks of federal contracts
and a mountain of pot. They quickly fell into a daily
routine: wake up, get baked, start wheeling and dealing.

Packouz was about to get a rare education. He watched as
Diveroli won a State Department contract to supply high-
grade FN Herstal machine guns to the Colombian army. It
was a lucrative deal, but Diveroli wasn't satisfied - he
always wanted more. So he persuaded the State Department
to allow him to substitute Korean-made knockoffs instead
of the high-end Herstals - a swap that instantly doubled
his earnings. Diveroli did the same with a large helmet
order for the Iraqi army, pushing the Pentagon to accept
poorer-quality Chinese-made helmets once he had won the
contract. After all, it wasn't like the military was
buying weapons and helmets for American soldiers. The
hapless end-users were foreigners, and who was going to
go the extra mile for them?

The Pentagon's buyers were soldiers with little or no
business experience, and Diveroli knew how to win them
over with a mixture of charm, patriotism and a keen
sense of how to play to the military culture; he could
yes sir and no sir with the best of them. To get the
inside dirt on a deal, he would call the official in
charge of the contract and pretend to be a colonel or
even a general. "He would be toasted, but you would
never know it," says Packouz. "When he was trying to get
a deal, he was totally convincing. But if he was about
to lose a deal, his voice would start shaking. He would
say that he was running a very small business, even
though he had millions in the bank. He said that if the
deal fell through he was going to be ruined. He was
going to lose his house. His wife and kids were going to
go hungry. He would literally cry. I didn't know if it
was psychosis or acting, but he absolutely believed what
he was saying."

Above all, Diveroli cared about the bottom line. "Efraim
was a Republican because they started more wars,"
Packouz says. "When the United States invaded Iraq, he
was thrilled. He said to me, 'Do I think George Bush did
the right thing for the country by invading Iraq? No.
But am I happy about it? Absofuckinglutely.' He hoped we
would invade more countries because it was good for
business."

___________________________________________

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