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PORTSIDE  December 2010, Week 3

PORTSIDE December 2010, Week 3

Subject:

Two Calls to End War in Afghanistan

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Date:

Sat, 18 Dec 2010 16:09:05 -0500

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text/plain (387 lines)

Two Calls to End War in Afghanistan

1) Rep. Barbara Let
2) Experts and Fieldworkers

(1)

Afghanistan War Review Conclusions Misguided

Rep.Barbara Lee
Huffington Post
December 16, 2010

http://www.huffingtonpost.com/rep-barbara-lee/afghanistan-war-review-co_b_797933.html

Nine years ago on September 14, 2001, I placed the lone
vote against the "Authorization for Use of Military
Force" -- an authorization that I knew would provide a
blank check to wage war anywhere, at any time, and for
any length.

It is deeply disappointing that after nine years of
war, thousands of American casualties, and the
inability of the Afghan government to rise above its
corruption and incompetence, we are no closer to ending
our role in this conflict.

Just as I predicted it would, this report tells us
almost nothing new, assuring us that if we just
continue to do what we're doing, everything will work
out in the end. There are fewer and fewer Americans who
believe that, and the time has come to reorient United
States foreign policy to meet the threat of terrorism
in a more effective and sustainable manner.

I take no pleasure in having my fears about this war
vindicated. But from the time I was the only member of
Congress to vote against the "Authorization for the Use
of Military Force" in 2001, all the way up to today, we
have heard again and again that things will improve and
the war can come to an end soon. Instead, we find
ourselves in a tragic Afghan version of Groundhog Day,
in which brave American service-members give life and
limb in a conflict without end.

At home, individuals and families across the nation are
struggling to gain meaningful employment, put food on
the table, and ensure a life of opportunity for future
generations.

Meanwhile, critical human needs as well as much-needed
investments in our nation's infrastructure, schools,
and domestic clean energy production have been pushed
aside while we consider massive tax cuts to benefit the
wealthiest few.

We should not and can not afford to extend a policy of
open-ended war in Afghanistan that is costing us well
over $100 billion per year and ultimately making our
nation less safe.

The president's commitment to the start of a U.S.
withdrawal from Afghanistan in July of 2011 is
incompatible with military generals' qualified support
based on "conditions on the ground," and their
inevitable interpretation that the situation in
Afghanistan demands more time, more lives, and more
resources. I urge President Obama to demonstrate his
resolve by immediately pledging significant and
meaningful reductions to the U.S. military presence in
Afghanistan beginning in July of 2011.

We must end America's longest war and we must bring our
troops home.
___________________

Rep. Barbara Lee (D-CA) represents the 9th
Congressional District of California

(2)

Time for negotiation in Afghanistan

A group of experts and fieldworkers call on
President Obama to explore a political
settlement that includes the Taliban

Open Letter 
The Guardian (UK) 
December 13, 2010

http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/2010/dec/13/afghanistan-taliban?INTCMP=SRCH

Mr President,

We have been engaged and working inside Afghanistan,
some of us for decades, as academics, experts and
members of non-governmental organisations. Today we are
deeply worried about the current course of the war and
the lack of credible scenarios for the future. The cost
of the war is now more than $120bn per year for the
United States alone. This is unsustainable in the long
run. In addition, human losses are increasing. More
than 680 soldiers from the international coalition -
along with hundreds of Afghans - have died this year in
Afghanistan, and the year is not yet over. We appeal to
you to use the unparalleled resources and influence
which the US now brings to bear in Afghanistan to
achieve that longed-for peace.

Despite these huge costs, the situation on the ground
is much worse than a year ago because the Taliban
insurgency has made progress across the country. It is
now very difficult to work outside the cities or even
move around Afghanistan by road. The insurgents have
built momentum, exploiting the shortcomings of the
Afghan government and the mistakes of the coalition.
The Taliban today are now a national movement with a
serious presence in the north and the west of the
country. Foreign bases are completely isolated from
their local environment and unable to protect the
population. Foreign forces have by now been in
Afghanistan longer than the Soviet Red Army was.

Politically, the settlement resulting from the 2001
intervention is unsustainable because the
constituencies of whom the Taliban are the most violent
expression are not represented, and because the highly
centralised constitution goes against the grain of
Afghan tradition, for example in specifying national
elections in 14 of the next 20 years.

The operations in the south of Afghanistan, in Kandahar
and in Helmand provinces are not going well. What was
supposed to be a population-centred strategy is now a
full-scale military campaign causing civilian
casualties and destruction of property. Night raids
have become the main weapon to eliminate suspected
Taliban, but much of the Afghan population sees these
methods as illegitimate. Due to the violence of the
military operations, we are losing the battle for
hearts and minds in the Pashtun countryside, with a
direct effect on the sustainability of the war. These
measures, beyond their debatable military results,
foster grievance. With Pakistan's active support for
the Taliban, it is not realistic to bet on a military
solution. Drone strikes in Pakistan have a marginal
effect on the insurgency but are destabilising
Pakistan. The losses of the insurgency are compensated
by new recruits who are often more radical than their
predecessors.

The military campaign is suppressing, locally and
temporarily, the symptoms of the disease, but fails to
offer a cure. Military action may produce local and
temporary improvements in security, but those
improvements are neither going to last nor be
replicable in the vast areas not garrisoned by western
forces without a political settlement.

The 2014 deadline to put the Afghan national army in
command of security is not realistic. Considering the
quick disappearance of the state structure at a
district level, it is difficult to envision a strong
army standing alone without any other state
institutions around. Like it or not, the Taliban are a
long-term part of the Afghan political landscape, and
we need to try and negotiate with them in order to
reach a diplomatic settlement. The Taliban's leadership
has indicated its willingness to negotiate, and it is
in our interests to talk to them. In fact, the Taliban
are primarily concerned about the future of Afghanistan
and not - contrary to what some may think - a broader
global Islamic jihad. Their links with al-Qaida - which
is not, in any case, in Afghanistan any more - are
weak. We need to at least try to seriously explore the
possibility of a political settlement in which the
Taliban are part of the Afghan political system. The
negotiations with the insurgents could be extended to
all groups in Afghanistan and regional powers.

The current contacts between the Karzai government and
the Taliban are not enough. The US must take the
initiative to start negotiations with the insurgents
and frame the discussion in such a way that American
security interests are taken into account. In addition,
from the point of view of Afghanistan's most vulnerable
populations - women and ethnic minorities, for instance
- as well as with respect to the limited but real gains
made since 2001, it is better to negotiate now rather
than later, since the Taliban will likely be stronger
next year. This is why we ask you to sanction and
support a direct dialogue and negotiation with the
Afghan Taliban leadership residing in Pakistan. A
ceasefire and the return of the insurgency leadership
in Afghanistan could be part of a de-escalation process
leading to a coalition government. Without any chance
for a military victory, the current policy will put the
US in a very difficult position.

For a process of political negotiation to have a chance
of addressing the significant core grievances and
political inequalities, it must occur on multiple
levels - among the countries that neighbour Afghanistan
as well as down to the provincial and sub-district.
These various tables around which negotiations need to
be held are important to reinforce the message - and
the reality - that discussions about Afghanistan's
political future must include all parties and not just
be a quick-fix deal with members of the insurgency.

We believe that mediation can help achieve a settlement
that brings peace to Afghanistan, enables the Taliban
to become a responsible actor in the Afghan political
order, ensures that Afghanistan cannot be used as a
base for international terrorism, protects the Afghan
people's hard-won freedoms, helps stabilise the region,
renders the large-scale presence of international
troops in Afghanistan unnecessary and provides the
basis of an enduring relationship between Afghanistan
and the international community. All the political and
diplomatic ingenuity that the US can muster will be
required to achieve this positive outcome. It is time
to implement an alternative strategy that would allow
the US to exit Afghanistan while safeguarding its
legitimate security interests.

Respectfully,

Mariam Abou Zahab, researcher and humanitarian aid
worker in Afghanistan in the 1980s-early 1990s

Matthieu Aikins, journalist

Gregg Albo, political science faculty, York University,
Toronto, Canada

Scott Atran, anthropologist, University of Michigan,
and author of Talking to the Enemy

Bayram Balci, researcher in CNRS and former director of
Institut Français d'Etudes sur l'Asie Centrale, IFEAC

Scott Bohlinger, political and security analyst

Rupert Talbot Chetwynd, author of Yesterday's Enemy -
Freedom Fighters or Terrorists?

Carlo Cristofori, secretary, International Committee
for Solidarity with the Afghan Resistance (established
1980)

Michael Cohen, senior fellow, American Security Project

Robert Crews, associate professor, department of
history, Stanford University, and co-editor of The
Taliban and the Crisis of Afghanistan

Robert Abdul Hayy Darr, author of The Spy of the Heart
and humanitarian aid worker in Afghanistan during the
1980s and early 1990s

Rob Densmore, US Navy Afghanistan veteran and
journalist

Gilles Dorronsoro, visiting scholar, Carnegie Endowment
for International Peace, and author of Revolution
Unending

David B Edwards, anthropologist, Williams College, and
author of Before Taliban

Jason Elliot, author of An Unexpected Light

Nick Fielding, journalist and writer

Bernard Finel, associate professor of national security
strategy, National War College, United States

Joshua Foust, military analyst and author of
Afghanistan Journal: Selections from Registan.net

Martin Gerner, journalist, author and filmmaker
(Generation Kunduz: the War of the Others)

Antonio Giustozzi, author of Koran, Kalashnikov and
Laptop and editor of Decoding the New Taliban

Edward Grazda, photographer, author of Afghanistan
1980-1989 and Afghanistan Diary 1992-2000

Shah Mahmoud Hanifi, associate professor, James Madison
University

Emilie Jelinek, senior researcher, The Liaison Office
(TLO), Afghanistan

Muhammad Ajmal Khan Karimi, Kabul-based freelance
journalist and research analyst

Jerome Klassen, visiting research fellow, Centre for
International Studies, Massachusetts Institute of
Technology, United States

Daniel Korski, senior policy fellow, European Council
on Foreign Relations

Felix Kuehn, Kandahar-based writer/researcher, co-
editor of My Life With the Taliban

Musa Khan Jalalzai, analyst and author of Taliban and
Post-Taliban Afghanistan

Minna Jarvenpaa, former head of analysis and policy
planning, UNAMA

Dr Leonard Lewisohn, senior lecturer in Persian,
University of Exeter

Anatol Lieven, professor, war studies department of
King's College London and author of Pakistan: A Hard
Country

Bob McKerrow, author of Mountains of our Minds -
Afghanistan

Shaheryar Mirza, reporter for Express 24/7, Pakistan

Alessandro Monsutti, research director, transnational
studies/development studies at the Graduate Institute,
Geneva

Janan Mosazai, Kabul-based freelance journalist

Naheed Mustafa, freelance journalist

Jean Pfeiffer, Japan assistant to ACAF

Ahmed Rashid, journalist and author of Taliban and
Descent into Chaos

Amandine Roche, Afghanistan consultant and author of
The Flight of the Afghan Doves

Nir Rosen, fellow, New York University Centre on Law
and Security, and author of Aftermath: Following the
Bloodshed of America's Wars in the Muslim World

Gerard Russell, research fellow, Carr Centre for Human
Rights Policy, Harvard University

Emrys Schoemaker, consultant and media advisor

Alex Strick van Linschoten, Kandahar-based
writer/researcher, co-editor of My Life With the
Taliban

Astri Surkhe, senior researcher, Chr Michelsen
Institute, Norway

Yama Torabi, co-director, Integrity Watch Afghanistan

Jere van Dyk, author of In Afghanistan and Captive

Matt Waldman, Afghanistan analyst

Mosharraf Zaidi, independent analyst and columnist for
The News

___________________________________________

Portside aims to provide material of interest to people
on the left that will help them to interpret the world
and to change it.

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