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PORTSIDELABOR  October 2010, Week 1

PORTSIDELABOR October 2010, Week 1

Subject:

Reformer Elected to Head ATU Transit Union

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Sun, 3 Oct 2010 20:29:41 -0400

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Reformer Elected to Head ATU Transit Union

By Mark Brenner Created Sep 30 2010 - 2:36pm
Labor Notes

http://www.labornotes.org/blogs/2010/09/reformer-elected-head-ATU-transit-union

As President of ATU Local 726, Larry Hanley led the
push to cut fares and expand bus service in Staten
Island, New York. Read about the campaign in A
Troublemakers Handbook 2 [1].

Larry Hanley was elected president today of the
190,000-member Amalgamated Transit Union, which
organizes bus drivers in cities across the U.S. and
Canada, by delegates to the ATU Convention.

Hanley helped found the Keep America Moving coalition
to build support for mass transit. Read his bio here
[2]. Labor Notes' Mark Brenner interviewed Hanley this
month about how he would run the ATU differently and
organize transit workers together with community
members. Why is your slate mounting a challenge to the
incumbent administration?

ATU members have been suffering under unprecedented
attacks, both lack of funding that resulted in layoffs
and a concerted effort by transit management to use the
current economic climate as an excuse to roll back our
contracts, to eliminate our pensions, to cut our wages.

Our locals have been fighting in isolation.

Back in the fall, some of the VPs tried to push the
former president into action, and we just couldn’t. He
either simply didn’t get it or didn’t have enough
concern to do anything about it.

Every attempt to try and get our resources in DC put
into the field was failing. There was a growing sense
that something had to change.

In 2008 gas prices went through the roof to $4 a
gallon, and transit went through a boom in ridership.
People were flocking to buses and trains. Transit
agencies were caught between the surging ridership and
surging costs. Health care costs and huge fuel costs
were breaking budgets. At the same time demand was
going through the roof, fare structures were such that
they couldn’t support the added cost.

In Chicago, the CTA decided the way to deal with
surging ridership was not to add service but simply to
rip the seats out of subway cars. And the same kind of
thinking was playing itself out around the country.
There were actually places that were cutting service at
the time that ridership was at its highest level since
World War II.

Observing that, a group of us decided to get federal
action to help transit agencies. It just made sense.
Who has a better story at a time like this than
transit? We have the impact of global warming, the fact
that we’re fighting wars all over the world to try and
secure oil, we have an economy that’s stalled. People
were suddenly coming back to transit.

So we said, “We need some instant and immediate federal
aid to help transit systems expand.” The impacts of
that would reverberate throughout the economy and the
environment.

We got a bill through the House, but we were unable to
get any real action from our president to stimulate
work in the field. The bill died in the Senate.

Move ahead to September of 2008: the economy flattens.
Suddenly it’s not just that the ridership is surging
but the tax base fell out from under mass transit all
around the country. It was no longer a matter of
harnessing growth and improving the services, it was a
matter of maintaining systems as they existed.

The internal struggle in the ATU is to get our office
to act.

Last fall we had a board meeting, and it was crystal
clear that nothing was going to happen.

Twenty-five percent of members were laid off in Detroit
last October. By November we knew that Chicago was
facing 2,000 projected layoffs. One after
another--Sacramento was facing layoffs, Cleveland,
Cincinnati, ultimately my own local in New York.
Layoffs were everywhere.

At the time, our leadership, and this includes our
retired president Warren George and our current
president Ron Heintzman, decided to go on trips all
over the world. They never went to Detroit, they never
went to Chicago. There was no sense that this was a
crisis.

Essentially the message to our locals was, you’re on
your own. Good luck. Bad things happen, what are you
going to do?

So in February I worked with various transit locals in
the ATU and in the New York area and we called together
as many transportation unions as we could on very short
notice. We called a meeting in New York in February, in
the middle of a blizzard, and 60 different locals show
up from around the country, including as far away as
Oakland, California.

Although we might not have woken anybody up in
Washington that day, our local leaders were clear that
something had to happen—and that became the Coalition
to Keep America Moving. We built it in the hope that
our president would say yeah, that’s a good idea. We
couldn’t talk him into it so we did it on our own.

Unfortunately, he had an extremely negative reaction.
He built a weak, competing organization called “Save
ourRide.” It kept the resources of the union away from
a grassroots program that was organizing all around the
country and instead opted to do essentially a media
campaign that got no attention.

The consequences are that we are now suffering with the
highest level of layoffs in the ATU at least since
World War II.

There has been no federal funding, we have not been
able to get Congress to act, primarily because we have
not energized our locals to do real activity in the
field where Congress will feel the heat.

In the course of this a debate raged inside the ATU
about how we can best deal with changing our
leadership, and through that debate we developed a
coalition to make that happen. That is what this
candidacy is all about. What does the campaign look
like?

The first thing we had to do was go to court because
our international president started sending our emails
beating us up. But when we requested the email
addresses from the international union, he refused to
give them to us. We went to court and reached a
settlement. He had to turn over the emails.

We have the support of a lot of local unions throughout
the U.S. and Canada. Bob Baker [who’s running for
secretary-treasurer] and I have been working phones and
traveling as much as we can. I just came back from a
few days in the Midwest. I drove 1,400 miles around
Indiana and Illinois meeting with local officers. I’ve
been to Canada several times meeting with delegates.

As vice president I’ve worked in about 80 of 270 local
unions in the course of the last eight years, so I have
had broad exposure to the locals, particularly from
Virginia up to Maine and out to Pittsburgh.

We started the campaign in May. I assembled a bunch of
newspaper clips about the work our local union did when
I was local president and sent out a mailing to
introduce myself.

In June, on 48 hours notice, we were notified to come
down to Washington to an emergency general executive
board meeting because the Teamsters were raiding our
locals. When the meeting opened up, Warren George said
he got a call just last night from the Teamsters and
everything is OK. Bear in mind he had assembled 20
people from all over Canada and the United States for
this message. Then he said, “But while you’re here, I’m
going to resign.”

However, at 11 a.m. that morning he had taken 10 of our
vice-presidents to lunch. It was an exact majority. At
1 p.m. he opened the meeting and the votes were already
lined up. Heintzman had the votes.

Warren was leaving so that Heintzman could use union
resources for the campaign. The current edition of our
union magazine is a 28-page outrage, a pure Heintzman
campaign piece mailed to 190,000 ATU members at union
expense.

And there was a golden handshake where Heintzman got a
motion passed to make Warren George president emeritus.
The board voted to give him a blank check to work out
any pay arrangement he wants with Warren.

I sent him an email, as a board member, asking him to
disclose what the arrangements were, and he refused to
tell me. It’s my understanding that Warren is still on
the payroll as president emeritus. That’s a ruse to
allow them to dip into the union treasury for the
Heintzman campaign. What are you raising as key issues?

In the large urban centers that have been devastated by
layoffs, they are concerned about getting their members
back to work. They are worried about the fact that it’s
the beginning of dismantling the mass transit system in
the urban centers. For example, here in New York Mayor
Bloomberg is attempting to replace the bus service with
commuter vans. They want the International to step up
and do something about it.

If you go to places that have not been hit by the
layoffs, the discussion goes to lack of support they
get from the international union. For years there has
been a disconnect between our office in Washington and
getting real support out in the field. What is your
vision if you get to take the reins?

It’s not just a matter of rebuilding the ATU, although
that is the job I’m running for.

We cannot survive as the ATU if the labor movement
doesn’t survive. The labor movement has been—throughout
my working life—on a downward trajectory. We have to
find a way, not only in the ATU but in the broader
labor movement, to better communicate with the public.
To build a sense of community again in the U.S. that’s
been stripped away over the last 30 years of politics.

We’ve been outgunned by Corporate America in terms of
establishing a national discussion. Witness Fox News,
which is just an arm of the Republican Party. I think
the labor movement has to have a discussion about
having our own cable network, our own communication
system to get our word out.

In the 1930s when unions were organizing, people like
Woody Guthrie did concerts and cultural events to
organize workers. This is a very different world. We
have to figure out a way to reach our members and
people who could be our members through their TV sets
and on their computers. So does this have to be broader
than unions?

My experience absolutely tells me that it has to be
unions and community hand in hand. I was a local
president for 16 years. Staten Island is, strangely, a
union stronghold and a Republican stronghold all at the
same time. What we were successful at doing in Staten
Island, with a Republican Governor Pataki and a
Republican Mayor Guiliani, was to get them to massively
add bus service—the biggest bus service increases in
history—and lower express bus fares and build bus lanes
into Manhattan.

We didn’t do that because we just organized our members
and shook our fists. We organized the community by
building coalitions with very unlikely groups. We
organized with the Chamber of Commerce and with the
Board of Realtors—because transit is a real estate
issue—we organized with church groups, we organized
with other unions. We organized primarily with the
riders.

Back in 1996 we had a very serious and hard internal
discussion which taught me a lot of things about
organizing union members and organizing the public.

First we went to members and said, “We’re at a very
critical point and we need to raise money to have a
public campaign to promote transit.” Our goal was to
lower the bus fare.

People thought we were out of our minds. The fare had
never been lowered, it had only gone up.

The background is that at the time the MTA
[Metropolitan Transportation Authority] was cutting the
fare in half for some areas. But Staten Island, where
people primarily rely on express buses, would get no
break. So we used that as organizing issue. It would
have meant going from $4 to a $2 fare.

We took a vote to assess the membership $5 a week for
20 weeks for the campaign. In two votes over a two-week
period the membership voted it down by a very narrow
margin. But the core of the people who understood what
we were doing really wanted it to happen.

So we created a voluntary contribution system through
our COPE program. We met with groups of members 10 to15
at a time over two months, to sit and explain why we
were doing it. By the end of it we had about 75 percent
of our members signed up for a minimum of $5 a week.

We hired students, bought them Metrocards, and every
morning got them to board the express buses with
clipboards and postcards to send to the mayor, the
governor, and city council president.

It was simply a postcard from the passengers saying,
“We support lowering the fare by buying bigger buses.”

The buses we had only had 43 seats. We advocated buying
these 57-passenger coaches and putting in bus lanes. By
carrying a third more people you increase productivity
and make it more feasible to lower the fare. And the
express lanes make it faster, so it’s cheaper to move
the buses.

We got 10,000 people who rode our buses to sign
postcards. We photocopied and mailed them. We then had
a database of 10,000 passengers who we started
organizing. We had people out there almost every
morning for a year. We did all kinds of goofy and good
things.

We did a fax to the governor’s office. They said we
burnt out two ribbons in one day from our passengers
faxing.

We brought passengers to city hall, where 100
passengers would show up at noon. We brought a busload
of passengers to Albany to meet with the governor’s
office. We had a cable TV show documenting this.

The upshot was we got a call from the governor’s office
telling us he had decided to lower the fare from $4 to
$3, and our ridership exploded. We went up 125 percent
in about a year. I think over 500 jobs were added.
[Editor’s note: This story is told in Labor Notes’ A
Troublemaker’s Handbook 2 [3].] It wasn’t the stock and
trade of the ATU to do community organizing. How did
you do it?

In New York we had an infrastructure that was
supportive, we had the Straphangers Campaign, we had
the Tri-State Transportation Campaign. We had other
unions that are bigger and stronger in New York City
than elsewhere.

But the model works. There are two groups with primary
interest in mass transit: the workers and the riders.
There are a lot more riders than workers.

If you can organize your workers, congratulations, not
a lot people can do that. But if you can organize your
riders with your workers, and convince the two groups
that they have an identical interest in having good
service, then you’re hitting a home run.

That is what we need to do across the U.S. and Canada.
We have to get our people focused on that, trained in
how to do it, and provide them the resources. If we can
do that we can have a big impact on our times and turn
around this attack on mass transit.

In the course of it you can turn around this attack on
working people.

Our riders were very protective of the bus drivers.
There was a real relationship that grew, because
express bus drivers see the same people all the time.
But it grew deeper, stronger. It really pushed
management back, and it pushed two bad-ass politicians
back--Giuliani and Pataki.

We have to get out there and build coalitions for mass
transit around the country. We’ve been handcuffed
because we don’t control the resources of the union. We
have internal structural problems too. We have a
legislative department that works completely in
isolation from the organizing department, which works
completely in isolation from the vice presidents.

I want to create a Department of Action. So when we get
a call from Jackson, Mississippi, and an employer is
giving them a hard time, I want to have staff that
knows what to do, how to talk to the press, how to
formulate a campaign. We don’t have that now. Your
vision stretches far beyond best practices of building
labor-community coalitions. You’re talking about things
that have the potential to change a lot more than mass
transit.

If you look at what Obama did in the campaign--he found
a way to inspire people. He applied basic community
organizing techniques along with some broader vision of
hope.

The ATU can’t do this alone, but the movement has to do
that, and it has to be around issues people can connect
to. We have the best story in town, but we have to
figure out a way to tell our story.

There are, all around the country, groups of
environmentalists who have formed these sustainable
community projects. But we’re not working with them.
The real battles in coming years are going to won by
organizing the public, not by litigating before a
judge, not by begging Congress.

We have to convince people that green jobs matter, and
that transit is the greenest job you’re going to find.

There is a group called T4America. It is the most
muscular lobbying group for transit that I have seen in
my life. They have funding from major foundations, a
huge D.C. presence and effective lobby, but the one
missing link in T4—despite the fact that they are a
broad coalition of faith groups, environmental groups,
unions in name, not so much in action--is they don’t
have people in the field. They have some field
coordinators but they don’t have troops.

Labor has troops but we’re not engaging our troops. We
need to connect our local in Peoria with their group in
Peoria. You have to be mindful of the process in
Washington but understand that you’re not going to
overcome the massive lobbying groups unless you can
have grassroots action in the congressman’s district
that gets their attention. The model I use is what we
did here in Staten Island. What are the bigger
implications for the push to expand mass transit?

It can save the environment. Getting people out of
their cars and into buses and trains can contribute
heavily to that. A great number of studies say it’s far
cheaper to travel by mass transit, and it’s far
healthier.

One of the byproducts of car culture is that it takes
away people’s sense of community, of common purpose.
People become allergic to associating with their
neighbors. I think mass transit alters that.

People had a much deeper sense of community when they
got on the bus every day and saw people and talked. But
you can’t scold people into mass transit. You can’t
gripe about how selfish they are by using their car.

This car culture was designed by car companies. In
postwar America a group of corporations--led by General
Motors--got together and formed a phony bus company,
National City Lines. And they went around and bought up
all the trolley lines in America and they destroyed
them. I know it sounds conspiratorial, but it’s true.

At the same time they were convincing the federal
government to spend more money on highways than
anything else. And that’s what built the suburbs and
ruined the environment and changed America for a very
long time.

We have to slowly put together a coalition that can
reverse as much of that as possible. You don’t do it by
critiquing people’s habits. You have to create a
traveling environment where it’s convenient to take a
bus or a train, where it’s cheaper.

One thing the MTA has been good at is regulating fares
high enough so that cars are competitive, and that is a
grave mistake.

In 1996 we didn’t just go out and say we want more
buses. We had done that for years and it wasn’t
effective. We said the fare should be less, and we
advertised that as a $1,000 tax cut. By lowering the
fare people saved $2 every day they commuted.

If you look at the board of the MTA or the New Jersey
transit board, you’ll find that the people on these
boards are from trucking companies. Paul McCartney’s
girlfriend, who’s on the MTA board, is one of the
owners of New England Motor Freight. People who never
ride a bus or a train are the people who decide fares
and service levels.

If we can organize and convince the users of mass
transit and the workers of mass transit that they have
a common interest, and if you carry that forward into
different areas in the labor movement, that is a long,
hard battle but it’s in reach. It’s also an imperative.
If we don’t do it we’ll cease to exist. Right now we’re
seeing a feeding frenzy around public sector workers
and their pensions.

If we don’t deal with the public perception of those
benefits and of those workers, if we don’t effectively
convince the public that being able to eat more than
cat food in your retirement is a good thing, then we’re
in trouble.

It should be a fairly easy message to communicate. But
the problem is the other side owns the radio and TV
stations. If you watch the morning show on MSNBC, they
tend to have some fairly progressive viewpoints, but
when they talk about unions, it’s unanimous: they all
suck. Unions are no good, unions are killing the
country.

My experience is that lots of public sector union
leaders are scared to talk to the public. As public
sector workers we’ve stood by—mostly because the
leadership has not had the vision—and watched the
private sector be dismantled before our very eyes. We
have not engaged in the debate. We shied away from
NAFTA debate. For the first time this year there are
fewer private sector union members than there are
public.

For the last 30 years folks have been content to allow
bad news all around them so long as it didn’t hit them
too hard. That has to change. We have to have people at
the top who are willing to go out and tell our story,
who are not afraid of the sunlight. Who are willing to
say, “I am a union president, and I’m proud of it, and
here’s what we stand for.”

Until there was a labor movement, there were no child
labor laws, no mine safety laws, no Social Security, no
unemployment insurance--until working peopled figured
out a way to organize and tell their story, and
organize everybody else. And even if you couldn’t
organize them into your union, if you could organize
them to see the world in the frame of the 95 percent of
the people who have to go to work every day and act in
their own interest.

I read occasionally old magazines from my union. From
the early days, from the 1902 period, 1920. The people
who founded my union were bright, sophisticated, they
had a world view. They understood that you had to
organize to make things happen.

What I get in the mail now from the union in Washington
is like People magazine, who retired in Peoria, there’s
no message, there’s no view, there’s no vision.

I was in Indiana sitting with two guys who are
president and treasurer of a local union, and we agree
on everything: the structure of the union, organizing
passengers, and on everything we’re right there. And
then one guy turns to me and says, “We’re conservative
Republicans.” If we agree on everything, why are we
succumbing to these labels?

That’s the part we have to get around, because somebody
pulls out the Second Amendment and we’re off to the
races and to hell with the union. We have to make the
union primary in their lives. They have to understand
the connection between the union and everything else.

PortsideLabor aims to provide material of interest to
people on the left that will help them to interpret the
world and to change it.

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February 2016, Week 1
January 2016, Week 5
January 2016, Week 4
January 2016, Week 3
January 2016, Week 2
January 2016, Week 1
December 2015, Week 5
December 2015, Week 4
December 2015, Week 3
December 2015, Week 2
December 2015, Week 1
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November 2015, Week 2
November 2015, Week 1
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October 2015, Week 3
October 2015, Week 2
October 2015, Week 1
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September 2015, Week 4
September 2015, Week 3
September 2015, Week 2
September 2015, Week 1
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August 2015, Week 4
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July 2015, Week 3
July 2015, Week 2
July 2015, Week 1
June 2015, Week 5
June 2015, Week 4
June 2015, Week 3
June 2015, Week 2
June 2015, Week 1
May 2015, Week 5
May 2015, Week 4
May 2015, Week 3
May 2015, Week 2
May 2015, Week 1
April 2015, Week 5
April 2015, Week 4
April 2015, Week 3
April 2015, Week 2
April 2015, Week 1
March 2015, Week 5
March 2015, Week 4
March 2015, Week 3
March 2015, Week 2
March 2015, Week 1
February 2015, Week 4
February 2015, Week 3
February 2015, Week 2
February 2015, Week 1
January 2015, Week 5
January 2015, Week 4
January 2015, Week 3
January 2015, Week 2
January 2015, Week 1
December 2014, Week 5
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December 2014, Week 3
December 2014, Week 2
December 2014, Week 1
November 2014, Week 5
November 2014, Week 4
November 2014, Week 3
November 2014, Week 2
November 2014, Week 1
October 2014, Week 5
October 2014, Week 4
October 2014, Week 3
October 2014, Week 2
October 2014, Week 1
September 2014, Week 5
September 2014, Week 4
September 2014, Week 3
September 2014, Week 2
September 2014, Week 1
August 2014, Week 5
August 2014, Week 4
August 2014, Week 3
August 2014, Week 2
August 2014, Week 1
July 2014, Week 5
July 2014, Week 4
July 2014, Week 3
July 2014, Week 2
July 2014, Week 1
June 2014, Week 5
June 2014, Week 4
June 2014, Week 3
June 2014, Week 2
June 2014, Week 1
May 2014, Week 5
May 2014, Week 4
May 2014, Week 3
May 2014, Week 2
May 2014, Week 1
April 2014, Week 5
April 2014, Week 4
April 2014, Week 3
April 2014, Week 2
April 2014, Week 1
March 2014, Week 5
March 2014, Week 4
March 2014, Week 3
March 2014, Week 2
March 2014, Week 1
February 2014, Week 4
February 2014, Week 3
February 2014, Week 2
February 2014, Week 1
January 2014, Week 5
January 2014, Week 4
January 2014, Week 3
January 2014, Week 2
January 2014, Week 1
December 2013, Week 5
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December 2013, Week 3
December 2013, Week 2
December 2013, Week 1
November 2013, Week 5
November 2013, Week 4
November 2013, Week 3
November 2013, Week 2
November 2013, Week 1
October 2013, Week 5
October 2013, Week 4
October 2013, Week 3
October 2013, Week 2
October 2013, Week 1
September 2013, Week 5
September 2013, Week 4
September 2013, Week 3
September 2013, Week 2
September 2013, Week 1
August 2013, Week 5
August 2013, Week 4
August 2013, Week 3
August 2013, Week 2
August 2013, Week 1
July 2013, Week 5
July 2013, Week 4
July 2013, Week 3
July 2013, Week 2
July 2013, Week 1
June 2013, Week 4
June 2013, Week 3
June 2013, Week 2
June 2013, Week 1
May 2013, Week 5
May 2013, Week 4
May 2013, Week 3
May 2013, Week 2
May 2013, Week 1
April 2013, Week 5
April 2013, Week 4
April 2013, Week 3
April 2013, Week 2
April 2013, Week 1
March 2013, Week 5
March 2013, Week 4
March 2013, Week 3
March 2013, Week 2
March 2013, Week 1
February 2013, Week 4
February 2013, Week 3
February 2013, Week 2
February 2013, Week 1
January 2013, Week 5
January 2013, Week 4
January 2013, Week 3
January 2013, Week 2
January 2013, Week 1
December 2012, Week 5
December 2012, Week 4
December 2012, Week 3
December 2012, Week 2
December 2012, Week 1
November 2012, Week 5
November 2012, Week 4
November 2012, Week 3
November 2012, Week 2
November 2012, Week 1
October 2012, Week 5
October 2012, Week 4
October 2012, Week 3
October 2012, Week 2
October 2012, Week 1
September 2012, Week 4
September 2012, Week 3
September 2012, Week 2
September 2012, Week 1
August 2012, Week 5
August 2012, Week 4
August 2012, Week 3
August 2012, Week 2
August 2012, Week 1
July 2012, Week 5
July 2012, Week 4
July 2012, Week 3
July 2012, Week 2
July 2012, Week 1
June 2012, Week 5
June 2012, Week 4
June 2012, Week 3
June 2012, Week 2
June 2012, Week 1
May 2012, Week 5
May 2012, Week 4
May 2012, Week 3
May 2012, Week 2
May 2012, Week 1
April 2012, Week 5
April 2012, Week 4
April 2012, Week 3
April 2012, Week 2
April 2012, Week 1
March 2012, Week 5
March 2012, Week 4
March 2012, Week 3
March 2012, Week 2
March 2012, Week 1
February 2012, Week 5
February 2012, Week 4
February 2012, Week 3
February 2012, Week 2
February 2012, Week 1
January 2012, Week 5
January 2012, Week 4
January 2012, Week 3
January 2012, Week 2
January 2012, Week 1
December 2011, Week 5
December 2011, Week 4
December 2011, Week 3
December 2011, Week 2
December 2011, Week 1
November 2011, Week 5
November 2011, Week 4
November 2011, Week 3
November 2011, Week 2
November 2011, Week 1
October 2011, Week 5
October 2011, Week 4
October 2011, Week 3
October 2011, Week 2
October 2011, Week 1
September 2011, Week 5
September 2011, Week 4
September 2011, Week 3
September 2011, Week 2
September 2011, Week 1
August 2011, Week 5
August 2011, Week 4
August 2011, Week 3
August 2011, Week 2
August 2011, Week 1
July 2011, Week 5
July 2011, Week 4
July 2011, Week 3
July 2011, Week 2
July 2011, Week 1
June 2011, Week 5
June 2011, Week 4
June 2011, Week 3
June 2011, Week 2
June 2011, Week 1
May 2011, Week 5
May 2011, Week 4
May 2011, Week 3
May 2011, Week 2
May 2011, Week 1
April 2011, Week 5
April 2011, Week 4
April 2011, Week 3
April 2011, Week 2
April 2011, Week 1
March 2011, Week 5
March 2011, Week 4
March 2011, Week 3
March 2011, Week 2
March 2011, Week 1
February 2011, Week 4
February 2011, Week 3
February 2011, Week 2
February 2011, Week 1
January 2011, Week 5
January 2011, Week 4
January 2011, Week 3
January 2011, Week 2
January 2011, Week 1
December 2010, Week 5
December 2010, Week 4
December 2010, Week 3
December 2010, Week 2
December 2010, Week 1
November 2010, Week 5
November 2010, Week 4
November 2010, Week 3
November 2010, Week 2
November 2010, Week 1
October 2010, Week 5
October 2010, Week 4
October 2010, Week 3
October 2010, Week 2
October 2010, Week 1
September 2010, Week 5
September 2010, Week 4
September 2010, Week 3
September 2010, Week 2
September 2010, Week 1
August 2010, Week 5
August 2010, Week 4
August 2010, Week 3
August 2010, Week 2
August 2010, Week 1
July 2010, Week 5
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July 2010, Week 3
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July 2010, Week 1

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