[This essay is excerpted from the introduction to Bob Wings new
book by the same title now available at www.lulu.com. Bob has also
launched a website at www.bobwingracialjustice.org. ]



 Bob Wing 
 November 12, 2018
Portside [http://www.portside.org] 

	* [https://portside.org/node/18615/printable/print]

 _ This essay is excerpted from the introduction to Bob Wing's new
book by the same title now available at www.lulu.com. Bob has also
launched a website at www.bobwingracialjustice.org. _ 



This piece provides an overview of the bitterly polarized and
consequential political moment in which the United States, along with
many other countries, is embroiled in. It also suggests a strategic
approach for U.S. progressives and the left to maximize our
contribution to defeating the Trump and the far right, and advancing
toward racial and social justice.


Since the mid-1970s I see four main trends shaping the world and the
country. Big capital in the U.S., for the most part, has moved to the
right in reaction to each of them. Each of these trends has also
invigorated rightwing populism. 

First, while the U.S. and Europe are still the most powerful bloc,
political and economic power is shifting to other parts of the world
and international and national capitalist competition has intensified.
These processes have been clear since the 1970s but have recently
reached a new tipping point: Symbols of this changing balance of
forces are the immediate as well as structural economic crisis of the
European Union, the displacement of the Group of 8 by the Group of 20
(which includes the BRICS) and the failure of U.S. militarism in the
Middle East. However, the U.S. is the still the only world superpower
and its competitors and opponents have many divisions among them. 

Second, since the 1970s the current system of financialized, high tech
capitalism has generated a dramatic increase in capitalist wealth and
economic inequality, a marked division between the wealthy and the
struggling sections of working and middle classes, growing economic
and political differentiation within those each of those classes and
an explosion of homelessness. The Great Recession exposed the deep
contradictions internal to contemporary capitalism.

Third, there is a major demographic and migratory shift in the world,
transforming the racial and ethnic composition of the west itself.
Symbols of these demographic trends are Obama’s election and
reelection and the intense political polarization over immigration in
Western Europe and the U.S.

Fourth, the danger of environmental crises, especially climate change,
has greatly increased just as more countries like China and India are
becoming enormous consumers of fuel and other natural resources. The
ongoing wars in the Middle East, other resource wars, increased
natural disasters and the international fight over global warming are
symbols of this trend.

In this light it is no accident that for the last thirty-five years
the majority of the corporate class, along with the politicians who
represent them, has moved strongly to the right, grasping for even
more political and economic power for themselves by attacking the
standard of living of working people at home and opponents abroad. At
the same time, rightwing racist populism – the grassroots rightward
movement of working and middle-class sectors ­– has grown more
extreme and more powerful. Rightwing corporate capital and rightwing
populists are strongly allied, despite their obvious differences and
internal fights. Militarism, attacks on the living standard of the
working class, along with its organizations, criminalization of Black
people, the poor and immigrants, mass incarceration, deregulation,
financialization, privatization and gross inequality have ruled the

And now we have Trump and Trumpism.


We are neck deep in one of the most consequential moments in our
history. The country, indeed much of the world, is veering towards
authoritarianism, war and even fascism. In the U.S., Trumpism—the
alliance of racist, rightwing populism with the most reactionary
sectors of corporate capital led by a cowardly, narcissistic
bigot—is undermining the gains we have fought for and won since the
New Deal and Civil Rights. 

As scholars Steven Miller and Nicholas Taylor report in “White
Outgroup Intolerance and Declining Support for American Democracy,"
survey data shows that when “intolerant whites” fear that
democracy may benefit the growing numbers of people of color, many may
abandon democracy altogether.

The Trumpists are endangering world peace and the most basic
democratic norms, freedoms and institutions, not to speak of the
planet itself. 

In 2016 Trump and his racist populists trounced the Republican
corporate elite that had ruled the country as a whole for most of the
last 36 years and took control of the party. This reactionary
Republican Party now controls the presidency, both houses of Congress,
the federal judiciary, 33 governorships, and a record 68 of the 99
state legislative bodies, including both houses in 32 states, not to
speak of most of the police and sheriff’s departments in the
country. Although she won the popular vote, Hillary Clinton carried
just 487 of the country’s 3,181 counties. These rightwing
Republicans are on a tear to remake the country in their own image
while they have the power to do so.

On our side we can be tremendously proud of the vibrant peoples’
Resistance that has surged to meet the Trumpist challenge. Rising up
angry, women have created #MeToo, #TimesUp and the Women’s March
which confront the patriarchy and sexual abuse that have permeated
human cultures since time immemorial. Students have surged forward to
provide powerful leadership to the fight against gun violence.
Teachers are rallying in their thousands, even in deep red states such
as Oklahoma and West Virginia. Bernie Sanders uncovered and mobilized
a new generation of radicals. Native peoples surged forward at
Standing Rock. Resistance is high among immigrants, Black people,
Muslims, and LGBTs. 

In all of these, young people and women are playing a vital role.
Polls consistently show Trump limping at historically low approval
ratings though also retaining a large, loyal and well-organized base.

Indeed, the country is probably more politically and culturally
polarized than at any time since the Civil War. The far right is
moving further to the right; the center left is moving further to the
left. The space for public dialogue or compromise between the two is
almost non-existent. The stakes are immense. It’s no exaggeration to
say that we are in a state of peaceful civil war.

As of this writing, the prospects look positive, though by no means
certain, for the Democrats to take back at least the House of
Representatives in 2018 and to beat Trump in 2020. Such victories are
absolutely crucial to our short and longterm prospects of defeating
the right. 

However, we are far less prepared to actually defeat the far right or
undo the extensive damage it has done at all levels of our country.
Without broad and strong state-based and national united fronts
anchored by powerful and organized social justice forces, it is likely
that the traditional centrist/liberal power players will compromise
with the far right, and revert to some version of corporate
neo-liberalism. By themselves they will be insufficient to defeat the
right at the national let alone state levels and local levels.

The fight against the far right is likely to last decades with many
ups and downs and a still very uncertain outcome. In fact, the battle
against the right has been raging since at least the election of
Ronald Reagan in 1980. 

Reconstruction was crushed after a decade of post-Civil War progress
when the Republican elite cut a deal with the white supremacist South.
The Civil Rights movement—the Second Reconstruction—has been
sabotaged by decades of backlash by an alliance of the Republican
corporate elite and racist populists, with collaboration by all too
many Democrats. We must not fail at a Third Reconstruction. To
prevail, we must decisively win public opinion and build massive
organized strength, anchored by determined progressives and social
justice forces, that are prepared to persist not just through 2020,
but long past.


Racism is at the core of rightwing populism in this country. Of
course, that populism has numerous important strands: sexism, gun
rights, Christian fundamentalism, authoritarianism, economic anxiety,
homophobia, climate denial, greed, fascism, transphobia, fiscal
conservatism, libertarianism, etc. But, as study after study verifies,
it is the perceived threat to white group dominance—racism and its
variants such as Islamophobia and xenophobia—that is the critical
political and cultural unifying thread of Trumpism and the force that
sustains them through ups and downs. 

The contemporary far right has its origins in the 1960s white backlash
against the victories of the Civil Rights movement. But its increasing
strength and radicalization centers on dire fear of the power of the
coming people of color majority in the U.S. Despite the fact that
whites will long be the largest group in the U.S., the far right is
launching a preemptive strike—and many whites are willing to
sacrifice the most basic norms of democracy to ensure their dominance.
Racism is driving authoritarianism.

In my opinion, the “coming people of color majority by 2045” is
often overstated and the idea that demography is destiny is not
useful. Many Latinos are, racially, white, and the racial identity and
politics of the increasing numbers of multiracial people is uncertain.
People of color are extraordinarily diverse by history, class,
politics and ethnicity. Moreover, there is a significant difference
between percentage of the population and percentage of voters. In
California, for example, whites have dropped to 39% of the population
but are still 61% of the voters due to racial differences in rate of
citizenship and voter participation.

Nonetheless, race is unmistakably the main pivot of politics. Racism
is the glue of the far right and they cannot win unless they suppress
the votes of people of color. The Democrats, let along the
progressives, cannot win without the moral and political leadership
and strength of people of color.

People of color, most especially Black people, are the most consistent
progressive forces in the U.S. And, since the 2000 election, Blacks,
Latinos, Asian, Arabs and Muslims have dramatically increased their
opposition to the Republicans both in percentages and numbers. Without
a doubt they are the core of progressive voters and the moral and
political heartbeat of the fight against the right and for social
justice. Yet there is still a marked tendency in the Democratic
mainstream and among some progressives to take people of color for
granted and spend inordinate amounts of time and energy trying to win
over white Trump voters. 

Despite much racial progress, the failure of this country to
successfully settle accounts with its foundational history of racism
and settler colonialism has, once again, come back to haunt us. If we
are to truly defeat the far right, we will need to strike a mortal and
sustained blow to racism. 

The immigrant rights movement and #BlackLivesMatter have contributed
greatly to this process, as has revulsion to the white nationalism
that Trump has stoked. According to a poll done by
fivethirtyeight.com, one of the positive developments of the last few
years is the deepening understanding of and opposition to white
privilege among liberal and moderate white people. The participation
of tens of millions of whites, disproportionately women and LGBT,
young and working class, will long be a strategic condition for
building a powerful progressive movement, let alone to defeating the
far right.

Yet downplaying the strategic centrality of the struggle against
racism and the leadership role of people of color and other core
progressive constituencies dilutes our ability to confront the racist
right and to build the kind of multiracial, multi-class movement
necessary to win hearts and minds and build power.


The fight against racism is seriously impaired without undertaking the
struggle for the South and Southwest. The South, in particular, has
more population, more Blacks and Latinos, more congressional
representatives and more Electoral College votes than any other
region. And its power is growing since it has been the fastest growing
region for decades, a trend expected to continue well into the future.
Yet progressives have largely ceded those regions to the far right. 

The majority of Blacks still live in the South, augmented by three
decades of Black re-migration to the region. Latinos now live
throughout the country but the largest concentration is still in the

Given the dynamics of racism, it is not surprising that the South and
Southwest are also centers of poverty and the military industrial

If we cede the South and Southwest to the right, we undermine the
strength of our most progressive populations and forfeit the moral
high ground in the fight against racism, poverty and militarism. 

Both the South and Southwest are highly diverse and their politics and
sociology are rapidly changing. The big cities are getting more
numerous and larger, and all vote Democratic, as do an increasing
number of suburbs. There are numerous Blacks, Latinos and Native
Americans in the rural areas and far more Black and Latino majority
counties than anywhere else in the country. Given the racial, economic
and political diversity of these states, it is crucial to create a
strategy appropriate to each one.

Moreover, it is possible to shift the political center of gravity and
the coalition that holds governing power. Already Virginia, Maryland,
Washington D.C., Colorado, California, Nevada and New Mexico tilt
strongly Blue. Florida, North Carolina, Georgia and perhaps Arizona
are purple. Texas has virtually the same racial demographics as
California and before long will be the most populous state in the
country. It can be a national game changer.


The women’s movement—led by #MeToo, #TimesUp and the Women’s
March—are an incredibly powerful force against Trump and a movement
of truly historic potential that challenges oppressive gender
relations and sexual harassment that are as old as humankind and
almost as determinative as DNA. Not that previous women’s movements
have not done the same. But what makes the current women’s movement
different is that in its brief history it has demonstrated astonishing
power to seize media attention and mobilize supporters, causing the
unceremonious ouster of corporate, cultural and political big shots
almost weekly. Even rabidly rightwing Fox television has found it in
its interest to do so.

Of course, there is a long, long, long way to go. Patriarchy and
sexual abuse are part of the fabric of most institutions in U.S. (and
global) life, from workplaces to schools to households. But #MeToo and
#Times Up are off to a very impressive start. 

The women’s movement has not only won the moral high ground, it has
also begun to transform politics. An historic number of women have
contended for elected office in these last two years, and an historic
number have won. Women candidates have driven Democratic voter
turnout, greatly enhancing Democratic electoral results.

Sexual abuse is hardly confined to rightwingers or Republicans. It
poisons the entire political spectrum and it would be both immoral and
politically foolhardy to confine its targets to pro-Trumpers. 

Women’s leadership has become not just a theoretical necessity, but
an increasing practical reality. And the related surge of the LGBT
movement over the last two decades is also truly remarkable. This
movement has made it crystal clear that it is not morally acceptable
nor politically viable to exclude the fight against homophobia and
transphobia from the core of the progressive agenda.


Another positive development of the last decade or so is the
increasing sophistication among progressives about how to navigate the
complexities of the U.S. electoral system. 

Not long ago many progressives were mired in abstentionism, third
partyism, or being passive, self-denying Democrats. But, in opposite
ways, the victory of Obama and the victory of Trump—as well as the
stunning presidential run of Bernie Sanders—have awakened the vast
majority to the crucial importance of organizing both inside and
outside of elections, and both inside and outside of the Democratic
Party if we are going to build a powerful, independent social justice
movement that might one day achieve governing power.

The U.S. two party system sets high bars of funding and scale of
operations to seriously contend and is fraught with racial and wealth
inequities. The Electoral College violates even the basic democratic
principle of one person, one vote. We must fight to democratize the
electoral system against the dominating role of big money, to
eliminate the racist and undemocratic Electoral College, denial of the
vote to former felons, pernicious gerrymandering and other forms of
voter suppression.

Many of these reforms would require us to accumulate enormous power in
Congress and state by state strength to meet the high bar of
constitutional change. This strength can only be forged by struggling
within the current system. Failure to seriously engage in elections
marginalizes us from the fight for political power and public opinion,
blocks us from organizing the hundreds of millions of voters and
constrains our fight for policies and programs that shape the lives of
everyone who lives in this country. 

Since I neglected it in this book of essays, I think it is important
to highlight the importance of state-based strategies and
organizations and not just national ones:

First, the majority of laws that govern our lives are decided at the
state and local levels, not the federal. 

Second, the presidency is decided not by the national vote, but by the
tally in each state. 

Third, the federal Congress consists of representatives elected in the

Fourth, state governments generally control redistricting which has an
enormous impact on congressional and legislative electoral outcomes. 

Fifth, the political dynamics and forces vary quite drastically from
one state to the other, requiring unique analyses and strategies
tailored to each state. Indeed, a real national strategy would be
extremely inadequate if it did not include state strategies.

And last but hardly least, the state level presents a much more
favorable and manageable terrain and scale compared to the nation as a
whole at which to build mass organization and power. Without mass
progressive organization we will significantly remain at the mercy of
the powers that be.


Trumpism presents a clear and present danger of expanded and
intensified wars, on many fronts and continents, up to and including
the previously unthinkable possibility of nuclear war. The
administration has already embarked on a massive military build-up and
appointed a Cabinet replete with war criminals. Terrorism, or the
often-exaggerated threat of it, might well be the excuse Trump uses to
embark on new wars, especially with Iran. Yet one of the important
unresolved issues facing progressives is how to reinvigorate the peace
movement and respond to terrorism.

The U.S. has been at war since Bush launched his attack on Afghanistan
following Sept. 11. These wars in the Middle East have now lasted five
times longer than the U.S. involvement in WWII, wasted hundreds of
billions—maybe trillions of dollars, killed tens of thousands of
people, displaced tens of millions of people from their homes and
homelands, crushed the societal infrastructures (government, public
safety, schools, neighborhoods, health care systems, etc.) of several
countries, and caused a massive increase in poverty. 

Even when the antiwar in Iraq movement reached massive proportions in
the early 2000s, it was an extremely rare domestic social justice
organization that participated. While social justice individuals
turned out en masse to the demonstrations, almost no organization
adopted an official antiwar position let alone crafted antiwar
programs or appointed staff to help build the antiwar movement or

Seventeen years later, somehow most U.S. people have normalized war
and even the antiwar movement has not awakened to the new dangers
posed by Trumpist militarism. We cannot be an effective opposition to
the right, let alone defeat it, if we do not place the struggle
against militarism and for peace at the center of our agenda.


Of course, it is not just the far right that is creating havoc in
peoples’ lives. Contemporary corporate capitalism is producing gross
inequality and misery alongside obscene wealth at an accelerating
rate. For example, California is by far the richest state in the union
and it is politically dominated by Democrats, many of them self-styled
progressives. Yet last year the U.S. census announced that, when cost
of living is considered (especially housing), California has the
highest poverty rate of any state in the country! 

This puts progressives and social justice forces in a complicated
relationship with corporate, anti-Trump forces. On one hand, we know
there’s a good chance they would make all sorts of negative
compromises with Trump and Trumpism if they are put back in power by
themselves. On the other hand, they hold so much political, economic
and media power compared to the social justice forces that it is
pretty much impossible to conceive how we could defeat Trump and
Trumpism without their participation. Many corporate leaders, media
and pro-corporate politicians are already engaged in the fight against
Trump, and it would not be surprising to see many more join in if, for
any reason, corporate profits or the stock market significantly wane.

We are, necessarily, in a complicated unity and struggle relationship
with them, not unlike the relationship the rightwing populists have
navigated with the corporate Republicans for the past forty years.
Realism about power relationships and skill at changing them is a
hallmark of a serious movement.

Yet the abysmal results of high tech, financialized capitalism—even
at its best as in California—ought to be a signal that social
justice cannot be approached, let alone achieved, without confronting
corporate power and beginning to effect a real social transformation.
Such a transformation is purely hypothetical unless we are able to
massively build our forces within the broad front that can defeat the
right and divide the corporates. 

Within this, the specifically left and social justice forces will need
even more power to be able to advance toward a new era of social
progress. The struggle against the far right and for a Third
Reconstruction cannot be victorious without constructing a sweeping
alliance and progressive program that includes and speaks to the needs
and dignity of all working people for peace, democracy, and social and
environmental justice. These fights will surely involve tremendous
collisions with corporate power and the corporate structures which are
the root cause of much of the inequality, poverty and war in the


In brief,

First, we need to correctly target the main enemy, which for some time
ahead is the Trump-led racist authoritarian right which has captured
the Republican Party and controls the vast majority of the federal,
state and local governmental elected and non-elected bodies.

Second, to defeat the far right and simultaneously to lay the basis
for social advance when this is achieved, we need to create broad
national and state united fronts with a unified inside/outside
strategy, organizing inside and outside elections, the Democratic
Party and the halls of power. 

Third, our strategy needs to centrally incorporate racial, economic
and gender justice and be connected to our core progressive social
base of people of color, poor folk, labor, women, youth, LGBTs and
students. People of color and women’s leadership will be crucial to
ignite working class-oriented racial and social justice movements and
to defeat the right.

Fourth, we must fight for the South and Southwest in order to give
substance to and build the power of people of color, the fight against
poverty, the fight against militarism, the struggle against the far
right and to contend for power in the largest and fastest growing
regions of the country.

Fifth, despite the blows that the corporate powers have rained down
upon labor, as well as its own internal inconsistencies, the labor
movement is still one of the most powerful parts of the anti-right and
progressive movements and the centerpiece of the crucial fight for
economic justice. Increased political unity between the social justice
and labor movements is key to the future of our movement and our

Sixth, we must have a governance strategy, not a strategy limited to
“influence” or “impacting public policy and debate” and
certainly not a strategy of self-righteous isolation. The people and
the country need us, but only if we take ourselves seriously enough to
prepare to govern.

Seventh, we must build independent, progressive power, but also
strategic and ecumenical coalitions in order to build real power
inside and outside of the Democratic Party, but to simultaneously play
a major role in an “anti-right” front against the Republicans and
rightwingers who are our main enemies. 

Eighth, we need to simultaneously work national, state and local
strategies, remembering that states are key building blocks of our
electoral and governmental systems. 

Ninth, we need to grasp the intimate interconnection of the fight for
social justice with the fight against militarism and for peace.

Tenth, we need to dramatically broaden and deepen our concept and
practice of communications work if we are to reach tens of millions
and fight for public opinion. 

Last, even as we prioritize the urgent task of defeating the right, we
need to prepare the ground for a profound social transformation, a
Third Reconstruction. That would be a period when peace and social
justice forces are powerful enough to set a governing agenda that
makes unprecedented strides toward peace and racial, gender, social,
economic and environmental justice, but which is short of, yet perhaps
might open the way to, a post-capitalist society.

There are many more elements to an adequate strategy, and countless
more that will emerge as we intensify the struggle. How can we
maximize the diminishing strength of labor? What is the strategic
meaning of the changing nature and divisions within the working class
and what sectors might be able to play a role similar to the
industrial proletariat in the past? And, besides communities of color,
what other social forces among working people can be mobilized to be
the antiracist and class anchors of the multiracial, multi-class
social justice movement? What is the role of the environmental crises
and the environmental movements? And what about the complicated
historical and ongoing problems of Marxism and socialism—of all
varieties—in forging a sustainable, equitable and democratic future?

Hopefully, however, I have provided some substantial ideas that will
be useful to consider in the critical process of advancing social
justice work, especially its electoral component, in the coming years.


This publishing project consists of this book and an accompanying
website: bobwingracialjustice.org. The website contains much of my
written work from my fifty years of activism while this book focuses
on my writings since 2000.

The website features four Power Point presentations on Trump and
Trumpism and my most ambitious theoretical piece, “Towards a
Communist Analysis of Black Oppression and Black Liberation,”
coauthored with one of my lifelong partners-in-crime Linda Burnham in
1981. It also includes many essays, many of them collectively written,
from the 1970s and 1980s on then burning topics such as Racism and
Reaganism, the Harold Washington and Jesse Jackson campaigns, nuclear
war and nuclear disarmament and the United Front Against War and

This volume contains more recent essays—since 1999—all but one of
which can be found on the Internet. The book is divided into three

The first part, Contemporary Politics and Political Strategy, consists
of an analysis of politics, race and strategy since about the year
2000. It traces the deepening of political polarization in that
period, and especially the rise of the racist far right and the
increased power and unity of people of color. It proposes the outlines
of progressive political strategy in that light with a significant
emphasis on the importance of the South. “Notes Toward a Social
Justice Strategy” is notable as my attempt to analyze the structure
of the U.S. electoral system as a basis for a leftwing electoral

The second part, History and Theory, compiles my main essays on racial
theory and racial formation. Among other things these essays try to
grasp the distinction and intersection of nationality oppression and
racial oppression as experienced by Blacks, Latinos, Asians and Native
Americans, and to draw out their strategic implications. My most
comprehensive theoretical piece, “Towards a Communist Analysis of
Black Oppression and Black Liberation,” (1981) is not included. It
can be found on my website at bobwingracialjustice.org.

The third part is made up of a few short journalistic pieces on topics
such as Chokwe Lumumba’s mayoral victory in Jackson, Israel building
a great wall around Palestine and the castigation of Barry Bonds.

In closing, I wish to give thanks and so much more to Linda Burnham
and Max Elbaum, my dear comrades, friends, co-thinkers and
co-conspirators--through thick and thin--for more than forty years. 

BOB WING says...

This year marks my fiftieth year of activism, organizing and writing.
I cut my teeth as a freshman in the pitched battles at the University
of California, Berkeley in 1968-1969, especially the Third World
Strike. These struggles swept me into the exciting beginnings of both
the Asian American and people of color (then called Third World
people) movements—and abruptly launched me into confrontation with
the iron fist of the state which mobilized at least ten thousand armed
men every day for eight weeks to beat us down. We won, and Ethnic
Studies was born.

Those early years were filled with great optimism. Despite the many
assassinations and imprisonments of peoples’ leaders, the COINTELPRO
program and the murderous U.S. military operations in Vietnam and
elsewhere, mass revolutionary movements were winning literally all
over the world, from Southeast Asia to Southern Africa to Central
America. In the U.S. we helped bring down the president responsible
for the Vietnam War. Like thousands of other young activists, I quit
school and threw my body and soul into this antiracist,
anti-imperialist movement that was transforming the world in the image
of regular working people, peace and social justice.

My work has centered on antiracism which I have always understood to
be intimately connected to anti-imperialism and class politics. I had
the great luck to work closely with the Third World Women’s Alliance
as well as powerful people of color left leaders who were gay and
lesbian. The antiracist Marxist left became my home base.

Despite a very thin pre-movement intellectual background, I also
became immersed in theory and history, and what became a lifetime
attempt to link these with strategy and practice. One of the
underappreciated contributions of the left at that time was that we
either founded or re-founded Black, Latino, Asian American, Native
American, women’s, gay, peace, working class and environmental
studies, reshaping all fields of social and historical inquiry and the
intellectual life of the country as a whole. 


In the mid-nineties I was fortunate to get linked to a new generation
of radicals, mostly people of color engaged in community organizing
and the antiwar in Iraq movement. Since then I have been founding
editor of the racial justice publication, ColorLines, and the antiwar
newspaper, War Times/Tiempo de Guerras and the mass antiwar coalition,
United for Peace and Justice. Aside from immersion in the antiwar
movement following Sept. 11, most of my work has centered on racial
justice community organizing and linking it to electoral work. My main
practical and intellectual concern has been trying to figure out how
to help build the racial and social justice movement to truly mass
proportions and power to effectively combat the burgeoning far right.

Much of my new book, _Toward Racial Justice and a Third
Reconstruction,_ traces my analysis of this central problem and this
introduction focuses on the struggle against Trumpism. The
accompanying website, www.bobwingracialjustice.org
[http://www.bobwingracialjustice.org] contains the contents of the
book and most of my other written work. 

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