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PORTSIDELABOR  August 2012, Week 5

PORTSIDELABOR August 2012, Week 5

Subject:

Chicago teachers draw a line

From:

Portside Labor <[log in to unmask]>

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Date:

Wed, 29 Aug 2012 20:48:51 -0400

Content-Type:

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Parts/Attachments:

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text/plain (328 lines)

Chicago teachers draw a line
Analysis: Lee Sustar
Lee Sustar looks at the battle shaping up in the Chicago
Public Schools--and the national implications for
teachers and the struggle for public education.
August 28, 2012
http://socialistworker.org/2012/08/28/chicago-teachers-draw-a-line


CAN THE scrappy band of outsiders that now heads the
Chicago Teachers Union (CTU) lead the kind of
high-stakes fight that most labor unions have ducked?

That question looms large--not just for the city's
teachers, students and their parents, but for the entire
labor movement. Because while both private- and
public-sector unions are taking a pounding across the
U.S. with layoffs, pay cuts and pension rollbacks, the
CTU is gearing up for a showdown with America's most
politically connected mayor, Rahm Emanuel--and it will
come to a head in September.

At a time when most union officials are shamefacedly
selling concessions as "the best we can do," Chicago
teachers are defiant. Just ask anyone who encountered
the giant inflatable rat that accompanied the spirited
CTU picket outside the Chicago Public Schools (CPS)
offices August 22 a few hours before a school board
meeting.

"We would like to have a fair compensation package that
includes acknowledgement of our teachers' experience and
their educational attainment," CTU President Karen Lewis
said at a press conference after the picket. "That's
number one. Number two, our health care that they're
asking us will eat up the little bitty, tiny, miniscule
raise that they're offering."

An arbitrator earlier this year recommended a pay
increase of 14.85 percent, much closer to the union's
initial demand for a 30 percent raise to cover the
additional hours teachers were expected to work in the
new longer school day. CPS, however, has offered only a
2 percent raise, which doesn't even make up for the
teachers' previously negotiated 4 percent raise that was
cancelled by the board last year.

What you can do

Help support the CTU's struggle by donating to the
Chicago Teachers Solidarity Fund.

Later on August 22, CTU delegates held a meeting at a
high school where they picked up freshly printed picket
signs and got a sober update on contract negotiations.

While CPS and Emanuel bowed to a union demand in July to
hire nearly 500 more teachers to staff a longer school
day, school negotiators have refused to budge on what
the union considers to be strike issues. Those include
merit pay, the cancellation of raises based on
seniority, and higher health insurance costs.

The city's aggressive posture led to a strong turnout
for informational picket lines at CPS's early-start
schools, about one-third of the more than 600 in the
system. While some pickets were modest, many more were
large and spirited, and most got strong support from
parents and community members.

- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -

THE MOBILIZATION is quite an achievement for the CTU
leadership, which took office in June 2010 on the slate
of the Caucus of Rank-and-File Educators (CORE). Taking
over a budget-strapped and dysfunctional union machine,
the new leadership began by cutting officers' pay and
putting the money into organizing.

In its first round of negotiations, the CTU leadership
spurned the usual union strategy of taking pay cuts to
avoid layoffs, arguing that concessions would lead to
only further concessions. The new CTU also plunged into
the fight against school closures despite the small
chance of prevailing in that struggle. Win or lose, the
CTU was determined to deepen the union's connection to
the wider fight for education justice in the city.

In April 2011, the CTU leadership overcame an internal
crisis over whether to support an anti-union law known
as SB 7, which requires 75 percent of all union members
to vote to authorize a strike. Little more than a year
later, nearly 90 percent of all CTU members--and 98
percent of those who cast a ballot--supported giving
union leaders strike authorization.

That vote--which followed an inspiring May 23 rally of
more than 5,000 union members--showed the city that the
CTU was mobilizing its members not simply through the
union's organizational machinery, but as part of a wider
working-class movement to defend public education from
corporate-backed education reformers and charter school
operators.

What began as a vision of a small group of CORE
activists a few years earlier had come to life in a
fighting CTU, a union that embodies the best hopes not
only for teachers' unions, but all of organized labor.

The stakes are high for Rahm Emanuel, too. The former
White House chief of staff under Barack Obama got his
political start as an operative for former Mayor Richard
M. Daley, and now, he wants to make his own mark as the
city's boss.

But where Daley and his father, Richard J. Daley, used
patronage jobs to bind labor to the Democratic machine,
Emanuel wants to gut public-sector unions while dangling
jobs to keep others on board. Emanuel's message to union
leaders: Do it the easy way by selling concessions to
your members, or expect the hard way, where City Hall
proceeds to crush you.

As a result, most Chicago unions have already rolled
over for Emanuel without a fight. For example, the
Teamsters, who backed Emanuel for mayor, signed off on
the mayor's privatization of waste collection, bought
off by a promise that their lower-paid union members at
private companies would get the work.

The building trades are on board with Emanuel's
Infrastructure Trust plan to fund public works, even
though it will put the city in hock to big banks at
unspecified rates of interest for decades to come. And
the Chicago Federation of Labor signed on to Emanuel's
"wellness" plan that empowers monitors to track city
employees' weight loss, smoking habits and other
personal information--and raises their health insurance
costs by $600 per year if they don't sign up for the
program.

Next, Emanuel's operatives at CPS moved to drive a wedge
between the CTU and the other main unions that represent
school employees. Service Employees International Union
(SEIU) Local 73 and UNITE HERE Local 1--usually seen as
progressive within the local labor movement--signed
early contracts with the school board.

This could set the stage for SEIU and UNITE HERE members
being contractually forced to cross teacher picket lines
and staff proposed "student centers" that CPS plans to
run in case of a strike, at a cost of $25 million. The
International Union of Operating Engineers, whose
members keep the school buildings running, also cut a
separate deal.

Emanuel's latest effort to isolate the CTU is an early
contract with the faculty at the city's community
colleges, who belong to a sister union to the CTU.

The deal, which is being pushed to a ratification vote
on a week's notice, is made to City Hall's
specifications--it eliminates raises based on experience
and education, establishes the principle of merit pay,
and includes the onerous wellness program. Those are
precisely the concessions that Emanuel wants to impose
on the CTU.

- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -

BUT DESPITE Emanuel's efforts to peel away Chicago labor
leaders, backing for the CTU is strong among union
members and at least some officials.

AFSCME Council 31, which tangled with Emanuel to defend
library jobs and other public employees, has endorsed a
CTU Labor Day march that will conclude with protesters
joining hands around City Hall.

And support for Chicago teachers goes far beyond the
ranks of organized labor. According to a Chicago Tribune
opinion poll in May, far more people trust the CTU on
education issues than Rahm Emanuel.

That's in part because the mayor overplayed his hand
over the course of this year, ramming through the
closure and "turnaround" of 17 schools, while pushing a
longer school day without adequate funding. A City
Hall-connected effort to pay preachers to organize
pro-Emanuel protests backfired when the media caught
wind of the scheme.

In recent weeks, the CTU has been holding public
meetings in neighborhoods around the city to receptive
audiences. Community alliances forged by CORE to fight
an earlier round of school closings years ago laid the
basis for a strong CTU alliance with key community
organizations in African American and Latino
communities. A CTU float at this year's Gay Pride march
got big cheers. The union has also backed the effort by
Communities Organized for Democracy in Education to
replace Emanuel's handpicked school board with an
elected one.

More recently, the Chicago Teachers Solidarity Campaign
(CTSC) was launched to bring together a range of labor
and social movement activists, linking ongoing battles
over public education in the city with the CTU's
struggle. The solidarity campaign is building a August
29 town hall meeting to bring together the CTU's allies,
as a possible strike looms.

Thus, while Emanuel will try to portray the CTU's
struggle as one of greedy teachers versus needy kids,
there's a growing movement to defend public education
that sees justice for teachers as essential for the
education of Chicago's children.

- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -

WHILE THE CTU is resolved to do what it takes to
win--including a strike--questions remain over the role
of its parent union, the American Federation of Teachers
(AFT).

The AFT convention in Detroit held in July gave a
powerful statement of solidarity for its members in
Chicago. Delegates also gave backing to AFT teachers in
Douglas County, Ariz., where school authorities have
imposed a contract on the union, as well as Detroit,
where an emergency financial manager unilaterally cut
pay by 10 percent on top of previous rounds of
concessions and job losses.

Michael Mulgrew, president of the United Federation of
Teachers in New York City, captured the mood when he
said, "You come after one of us, you deal with all of
us."

But the union's policies of collaboration, highlighted
earlier in convention proceedings, undermined that call
to action.

For example, the AFT affiliate in Cleveland worked with
anti-union Republican Gov. John Kasich to craft a
contract eliminating seniority protection in layoffs
while backing legislation that allows charter schools to
compete with traditional schools for taxpayer dollars.
Instead of pointing to the agreement as a disastrous
setback, AFT President Randi Weingarten portrayed it as
a gain in her opening speech.

In fact, Weingarten, who two years ago proposed a
strategic retreat for the union by announcing a
partnership with school reformers like Bill Gates, now
finds herself presiding over a rout of the union in some
of its historic bastions, such as Philadelphia, where
the mayor and school officials are in the process of
turning over the entire school system to academic
institutions and charter school management
organizations.

As a result, the convention proceedings veered between
sober recognition of the scale of the assault and the
high-production videos and feel-good presentations
typical of U.S. unions at their stage-managed
meetings--crowding out any lengthy discussion of the
major issues facing teachers.

The resolution books were skimpy for a union that claims
1.5 million members--a figure that includes
retirees--and largely avoided mention of issues like
merit pay, which the AFT folded on years ago. Also
largely ignored was the union's surrender on job
security based on tenure--a posture that has only
encouraged the school reform crowd to step up their
attacks.

AFT delegates did pass resolutions with policies well to
the left of mainstream Democratic Party election
programs. But those feel-good votes gave way to
practical politics when Weingarten welcomed Vice
President Joe Biden to the podium, despite the Obama
administration's anti-union Race to the Top legislation.

Notably, CTU President Karen Lewis refused to join the
other AFT vice presidents on stage to greet Biden, and
the Chicago delegations made a point of wearing their
red union t-shirts rather than the Obama-Biden ones
handed out by AFT officials.

The result was a convention in which the AFT came across
as progressive in general political terms, but at best
incoherent on the bread-and-butter issues dear to
teachers--a union unable or unwilling to take a
consistent stand on what had been fundamental union
positions.

That's why the CTU's struggle in Chicago is so
important. Four years after the financial crash of 2008,
politicians and employers are still using high
unemployment and tight budgets to try to permanently
cripple organized labor while dismantling what remains
of decent social services--and public education is in
the crosshairs.

High-stakes battles that put the union on the line are
inevitable. The Chicago Teachers Union is stepping up to
that challenge--and it deserves our full support

____________________________________________

PortsideLabor aims to provide material of interest to
people on the left that will help them to interpret the
world and to change it.

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