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PORTSIDE  July 2012, Week 1

PORTSIDE July 2012, Week 1

Subject:

The Paraguayan Coup: Paving a Way for Regional Destabilization

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Thu, 5 Jul 2012 21:17:02 -0400

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The Paraguayan Coup

How agribusiness, landowning and media elite, and the
U.S. are paving a way for regional destabilization

Francesca Fiorentini [1]
July 4, 2012, Buenos Aires
Published by War Times
http://war-times.org/node/463

It has been nearly two weeks since the parliament of
Paraguay orchestrated an institutional coup that removed
President Fernando Lugo from power and installed vice
president Fernando Franco in his place, a mere 9 months
before the next presidential elections.

Reading articles coming out of South America, I have
been trying to wrap my head around not just what
happened in Paraguay but what it could mean for the
region. And I'm afraid it's not good. When one connects
the dots - many of which require further investigation-
it suddenly feels as though the gains that countries in
the region have made toward multi-lateral cooperation in
order to guarantee economic and political sovereignty
and are dangerously vulnerable.

I have always been skeptical of claims by Hugo Chavez or
even anti-militarist voices here in the region that
believe that the U.S. has not let go of its plans for
the region in its fulfillment of "Full Spectrum
Dominance"-controlling natural resources indirectly
through elite puppet governments and directly through
the threat of military force. Between the U.S' refocus
on the Middle East and the rise of left-leaning
governments in Brazil, Venezuela, Bolivia, Argentina,
Ecuador, and Uruguay, the idea of the region falling
victim to the kinds of imperial/neoliberal bullying of
the 70s, 80s, and 90s seemed both politically overblown
and strategically unfeasible.

I am no longer so sure.

Because when looking at the powers at play in Paraguay
it becomes clear that the past is not so far behind.
They are the powers behind this unbelievably sordid
coup, an event that appears to have been merely a step
toward fulfilling longstanding agreements made between
the Paraguayan oligarchy, multinational agribusiness
interests, and the United States. By no means was Lugo
an obstacle, but he wasn't serving their interests
quickly enough. Moreover, his willingness toward
regional cooperation in bodies such as UNASUR and
Mercosur - from which Paraguay has now been expelled-
was also endangering the security of these moneyed and
military interests.

Why Paraguay?

One of the poorest countries in South America, land-
locked Paraguay is often overlooked. This is a big
reason why a parliamentary coup was possible here and
not somewhere with greater global and regional influence
like Brazil. Paraguay is not however overlooked by the
biggest multinationals in agriculture nor the U.S.
military. In many ways the country is a metaphorical
petri dish for the region: the political, economic, and
ethnic issues can be seen in the extreme. Sixty percent
of the 6.5 million Paraguayans live in poverty. Much of
the poverty has to do with the fact that while the
economy is entirely based on agriculture Paraguay has
some of the hugest concentrations of land in the region:
85% of the land is in the hands of 2% of the population.
It is in essence a deeply feudal country. Small
campesino famers and indigenous Paraguayans who are
subsistence farmers have been systematically and
forcibly removed from their land to make way for large
scale soy and cotton plantations. Violent repression of
campesino movements-like the events in Curuguaty that
became Parliament's excuse for removing Lugo -have been
occurring in Paraguay for over a decade now as the land
conflicts have grown more acute with the expansion of
agribusiness.

Politically, rule over Paraguay had been in the hands of
the Colorado Party for 61 years until the 2008 election
of former Catholic bishop Fernando Lugo [2], a supporter
of indigenous rights, land reform, and social welfare
programs. But though his party, The Alianza Patriotico
para el Cambio (Patriotic Alliance for Change) initially
had the support of a grassroots popular front, it never
had support of a majority of seats in Congress. And vice
president Fernando Franco of the Liberal Party never hid
his dissent with Lugo nor his ambitions for the
presidency.

Contrary to his pre-presidential track record, Lugo as
president did very little to further campesino cause and
actually push through land reform. Violent evictions and
the criminalization of protest continued and ultimately
Lugo both demobilized and alienated the movements that
had initially supported him. Without a broad base of
support neither inside nor outside Congress, his removal
was an easy maneuver led by the two major parties,
Colorado and Liberal.

The curious and critical fact in all of this is that the
land in Curuguaty from which the group of campesinos was
brutally evicted by more than 300 police on June 19
belongs to a former and long-time Colorado Party
senator, Blas Riquleme. It's therefore not hard to
believe what many have called the impetus for Lugo's
impeachment: a trap. But the underhandedness goes on.

Foreign interests, local friends

Beyond simply the old ruling parties wanting to keep
their grasp over the country, there are deeper interests
at work in the coup against Lugo.

First and foremost is agribusiness. None other than the
infamous Monsanto is a major player in Paraguay. The
company collects royalties on the transgenic soy and
cotton seeds planted throughout Paraguay, and in 2011 it
collected $30 billion tax-free. And 40% of the
production and refining of Paraguayan soy is owned by
private U.S.-based giant Cargill ($100 billion annual
profits a year). Again, agribusiness giants in Paraguay
enjoy broad protections from Congress and pay no taxes.

These agro-giants among others have denied involvement
in any violent evictions in Paraguay. And of course they
aren't involved. It's the thugs hired by landowners who
are looking to expand and turn a higher profit on their
Monsanto seeds that do the dirty work. More on those
landowners later.

To protect themselves, these companies have their
national alliances. One is to the major agricultural
producers unions in Paraguay and the other is to the
media. Cargill, Syngenta, and Agrosan are all apart of
the business group, Grupo Zuciollio (Zuciollio Group),
which gets its name from Aldo Zuciollio, the owner of
one of the major Paraguayan newspapers ABC Color.

According to Paraguayan investigative journalist Idilio
Mendez Grimaldi, one of the reasons behind Lugo's
removal was his cabinet's unfavorable stance toward the
release of Monsanto's transgenic cotton seed into the
country. After the head of the National Service for the
Quality of Seeds, the Minister of Health, and the
Minister of Environment did not green light the seed's
release into the market, ABC Color led a smear campaign
against accusing them of corruption.

Washington's Role: Southern Command & USAID

Though countries like Ecuador have put stops on U.S.
military personnel by refusing to send Ecuadorian troops
to the School of the Americas and not renewing their
contract for a U.S. military base, U.S. military
presence in the region is unfazed. When one base shuts
down another opens, usually in Colombia (11 sites with
U.S. access), Peru (8 sites with U.S. access), or
Paraguay.

Paraguay is home to two U.S. bases: the Mariscal
Estigarribia that is located merely 155 miles from
Bolivia and boasts a 10,000 foot-long airstrip built for
large aircraft, and the DEA base Pedro Juan Caballero on
the border with Brazil at which U.S. Southern Command
runs regular military exercises. Though in 2009 Lugo
stated his rejected the expansion of U.S. Southern
Command operations in the country, it has had broader
access to Paraguay since 2005, when former president
Nicanor Duarte Frutos granted an 18-month stay and
immunity to the over 400 U.S. soldiers that entered the
country. As far as anyone knows, those Southern Command
forces are still active and may have expanded.

Much of the U.S. military influence in the country stems
from the signing of the Northern Zone Initiative (IZN)
that many refer to as Paraguay's equivalent of Plan
Colombia [3] in its allowance of "humanitarian
assistance". It was signed with the U.S in 1961, during
the military dictatorship of Alfredo Stroessener. Since
the "fall" of the dictatorship in 1989 (in quotes
because it was an agreed upon transition to democracy
without removing military generals from power) the IZN
agreement has never been debated in the Paraguayan
Congress.

Another important piece of the mystery behind the
massacre at Curuguaty is that the special Paraguayan
operation forces (Grupo Especial de Operaciones, GEO)
that led the raid on the campesinos were trained by U.S.
Southern Command in Colombia as apart of the Plan
Colombia framework. Six police officers including the
head of the GEO also died in the incident, which the
campesino group Coordinadora por la Recuperación de
Tierras Malhabidas (Coordinator for the Recuperation of
Ilegal Land) says was escalated by the presence of armed
infiltrators. More than a trap, perhaps Curuguaty was a
set up.

A key piece to U.S. involvement in Paraguay is USAID,
which works closely with the Paraguayan Supreme Court,
the Hacienda Ministry, and security organisms. USAID's
role in the region has been well documented as a force
of destabilization hiding behind humanitarian aid. As
investigators Jeremy Bigwood and Eva Golinger revealed
in 2009 [4] after obtaining declassified documents,
USAID has poured over a billion dollars into
"decentralization" efforts in Bolivia and $60 million in
Venezuela. By setting up various Offices for Transition
Initiatives (OTIs) and funding anti-government non-
profits, USAID has promoted separatist and opposition
movements in both countries to further a pro-Washington
agenda.

In December of last year, the Colorado Party signed an
agreement with the Resource Information Center (CIRD),
the local arm of USAID, which proposed greater inter-
party "dialogue." The head of the CIRD is Alavaro
Carrizosa, relative of former presidential candidate and
senator Manuel Carrizosa of the party Patria Querida
that joined with the Colorado and Liberal parties in
voting to oust Lugo.

If this weren't enough, the current U.S. ambassador to
the country is Liliana Ayala, none other than the former
director of USAID in Bolivia. Her predecessor was James
Cason, who before being ambassador directed the U.S.
Interests Section in Havana, essentially the anti-Castro
propaganda/Cuba destabilization wing of the State
Department. In 2010, Deputy Secretary of Defense for the
Western Hemispheric Affairs and author of Paraguay and
the United States: Distant Allies, Frank Mora, was
received by then vice president Fernando Franco. In
their meeting, Mora spoke of continued and greater U.S.
military cooperation in the country and interest in
furthering the IZN.

Fragility and importance of regional solidarity

Following last Friday's coup, the Union of South
American Nations (UNASUR) and the economic body Mercosur
expelled Paraguay as a member. But in many ways, this is
perhaps what the Paraguayan political oligarchy and the
U.S. wanted. UNASUR and Mercosur represent regional
agree
ments of cooperation, democracy, national sovereignty,
border security, biosecurity, militarycoordination and
defense, and the limiting of U.S. intervention-
commitments that essentially limit the power of
multinationals and Washington.

Paraguay was the last country to join UNASUR, and when
Lugo signed the Mercosur's democracy clause that
outlawed national destabilization, newspaper ABC Color
accused the former president of handing over national
sovereignty. The paper also reported on how the border
security agreements would negatively affect the soy
plantations on the border of Brazil. Ninety percent of
Paraguayan soy is produced by landowners commonly
referred to as `Brasiguayos' along the lush and lawless
no mans' land that is the Brazil-Paraguay border. Much
of the violence against campesinos and indigenous
discussed above has been perpetrated by these
Brasiguayos.

Immediately after the coup, a Paraguayan
delegation/lobby flew to Brazil to try and meet with
president Dilma Rouseff. Though she declined, the lobby
did meet with the Agricultural Parliamentary Front that
represents 230 Brazilian legislators. At the meeting,
Homerio Periera, president of the front and congressman
of the Matto Grosso -the Brazilian province that has
come to be a global emblem of deforestation in the name
of soy profits -expressed his support for the new
government.

The Paraguayan Congress had also been the sole body
preventing Venezuela's entrance into Mercosur. Now that
the country is banned from the body until the country's
next eletions, Mercosur will welcome Venezuela into its
midst as of July 31st.

What it all means

This coup is a test of whether or not Mercosur and
UNASUR have any bite to their bark, or if their
agreements for regional independence live only on paper.
Though too early to be sure, it seems that both will
allow Paraguay's re-entrance after the country's
elections in April 2013. It is a decision that should no
be taken lightly, as the powers behind the Paraguayan
coup reveal that national economic growth-in a large
part from the sale of natural resources -comes tied to
the political obligation to protect multinational,
landowning, and U.S. interests. Despite their talk
against neoliberalism, center-left governments such as
Brazil and Argentina thrive off of and cater to the same
sectors that both temper their politics and could
potentially threaten their country's stability. In
countries like Bolivia and Venezuela that have more
openly defied their national elite by taking bolder
steps toward things like land reform and
nationalization, the response has been coup attempts and
as described above and overall destabilization. But
unlike in Paraguay, these attempts have so far been
unsuccessful.

Interestingly, Grimaldi believes that it was precisely
Lugo's belief that he could "govern with imperialism,
with the feudal oligarchy and with the right-wing
parties" that led to his defeat. It is a danger that
Argentine political scientist Atilio Boron refers to as
a "timidly progressive" government that is unable to
convoke a broad social movement support and left parties
to its side.

Without concrete regional efforts to reign in the power
of the U.S. military, USAID, multinationals, and local
political oligarchies, what happened in Paraguay becomes
a loud and clear warning to the region that the phantoms
of Latin America's past are haunting once again.

Sources:

English:

What's Behind Last Week's `Coup' in Paraguay 
http://halifax.mediacoop.ca/story/what%E2%80%99s-behind-%E2%80%98coup%E2%80%99-paraguay-last-week/11514 [5]

Spanish:

La Patria Sojera, Orlando Castillo Caballero 
http://upsidedownworld.org/main/en-espatopmenu-81/3724-paraguay-la-patria-sojera-y-usaid-detras-del-golpe-de-estado [6]

Porque Cayó Lugo: La Conexión del Agronegocios, Atilio Boron
http://www.pagina12.com.ar/diario/elpais/1-197103-2012-06-24.html [7]

Los intereses detrás del golpe, Idilio Mendez Grimaldi 
http://www.pagina12.com.ar/diario/elmundo/subnotas/4-59516-2012-06-27.html [8]

Lugo, EEUU, y la telaraña imperial, Carlos Fazio 
http://www.jornada.unam.mx/2012/06/25/opinion/025a1pol 

Paraguay: Intervencionismo imperial 
http://encuentronortesur.wordpress.com/2010/10/04/paraguay-intervencionismo-imperial-por-rina-bertaccini-los-hechos-acaecidos-en-el-periodo-reciente-muestran-sin-lugar-a-dudas-que-el-paraguay-sigue-estando-en-la-mira-del-intervencionismo-imper/ [9]

Links:
[1] http://war-times.org/writers/francesca_fiorentini

[2] http://www.democracynow.org/2008/4/22/bishop_of_poor_fernando_lugo_wins

[3] http://www.chomsky.info/books/roguestates08.htm

[4] http://upsidedownworld.org/main/bolivia-archives-31/1865-usaids-silent-invasion-in-bolivia

[5] http://halifax.mediacoop.ca/story/what%E2%80%99s-behind-%E2%80%98coup%E2%80%99-paraguay-last-week/11514%20

[6] http://upsidedownworld.org/main/en-espatopmenu-81/3724-paraguay-la-patria-sojera-y-usaid-detras-del-golpe-de-estado%20%20%20

[7] http://www.pagina12.com.ar/diario/elpais/1-197103-2012-06-24.html%20%20%20

[8] http://www.pagina12.com.ar/diario/elmundo/subnotas/4-59516-2012-06-27.html

[9] http://www.jornada.unam.mx/2012/06/25/opinion/025a1pol%20Paraguay:%20Intervencionismo%20imperial%20http://encuentronortesur.wordpress.com/2010/10/04/paraguay-intervencionismo-imperial-por-rina-bertaccini-los-hechos-acaecidos-en-el-periodo-reciente-muestran-sin-lugar-a-dudas-que-el-paraguay-sigue-estando-en-la-mira-del-intervencionismo-imper/

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