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PORTSIDE  June 2012, Week 1

PORTSIDE June 2012, Week 1

Subject:

Two on Wisconsin

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Date:

Wed, 6 Jun 2012 22:33:50 -0400

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1  A Brutal Night in Wisconsin -- Matthew Rothschild

2  What Scott Walker's Survival in the Wisconsin Recall       
    Means for Us --  Robert Borosage
================================

11111

A Brutal Night in Wisconsin

By Matthew Rothschild, June 6, 2012
http://progressive.org/brutal_night_in_wisconsin.html

Tuesday night was a brutal, brutal night for progressives in
Wisconsin.

I was stuck in a local TV studio watching the dismal returns
roll in, and it felt like someone was kicking me in the teeth
over and over again.

After a historic uprising in February and March of 2011, after
months and months of organizing for this recall, when all is
said and done, Scott Walker remains governor of Wisconsin.

He even won by a bigger margin this time than last. In 2010,
he beat Tom Barrett 52-47 percent, with a 125,000-vote
surplus. This time, he beat Barrett 53-46, with a 173,000-vote
surplus. Walker got 202,000 more votes than last time; Barrett
got 154,000 more than last time, but it wasn't enough. Not
nearly.

Here are some of the reasons why Walker won.

1. Money

Money can't buy you love, but it sure can buy you power.
Walker raised seven-to-ten times as much money as Barrett did.
The governor collected six-figure checks from a rogue's
gallery of the far right: Bob Perry of Swift Boat infamy gave
$500,000. Sheldon Adelson gave $250,000, Richard Devos gave
$250,000, Foster Friess gave $100,000.

A wrinkle in Wisconsin campaign finance laws, which allows for
unlimited contributions to a candidate between the time recall
papers are filed and the day that the election formally gets
scheduled, gave Walker four and a half months to sit on the
lap of every rightwing roofer in Missouri (two of whom gave
him $250,000 checks), every conservative Wall Street
financier, every reactionary Texas oilman that he could find.

On top of that, the Koch Brothers poured in millions through
their front groups, and the RNC funneled money in, as did
other Republican organizations.

Few commentators have noticed that Walker essentially won the
election from mid-November to the end of March, when he had
absolute air supremacy. In early November, he had a negative
approval rating of 58 percent. By June, his positive approval
rating was 51 or 52 percent. He flipped these numbers around
by running ads on the airwaves all winter long, from
Thanksgiving through the Super Bowl and right up to the
Democratic primaries. Even on the night of those primaries, he
was on the air bashing Tom Barrett.

And in the last month, Walker's ads were everywhere, all over
the TV and even on progressive radio stations.

2. The DNC and White House went AWOL.

The rightwing moneymen and the Republican Party understood the
importance of the election. The Koch Brothers saw it as an
opportunity to score a decisive blow against organized labor.
"What Scott Walker is doing with the public unions in
Wisconsin is critically important," David Koch said in
February. "If the unions win the recall, there will be no
stopping union power." And Reince Preibus, head of the RNC,
said, "Anything Scott Walker needs from the RNC, Scott
Walker's going to get from the RNC."

By contrast, the DNC was stingy, and Barack Obama couldn't
find Wisconsin with GPS and a flashlight. Hell, he was in
Minneapolis on Friday and didn't even bother to drive across
the Mississippi to set foot in Wisconsin. He never showed up.
Neither did Joe Biden. All Obama did was send a tweet on
election morning. How pathetic!

Tom Barrett was hung out to dry. The only high-profile person
from out of state who campaigned hard for him was Tom Morello.

3. Recall was unpopular

In the exit polls, 60 percent of Wisconsin voters said recall
should be used only for "misconduct" in office, and not for
other reasons. The statute doesn't specify under what
circumstances an elected official can be recalled. Back in
1910, Fighting Bob La Follette said recall should be used when
an elected official is guilty of "misrepresentation and
betrayal," which Walker certainly was. He never told the
citizenry in 2010 that he was going to "drop a bomb" on
organized labor or "divide and conquer." He never told the
citizenry that he was going to gouge public education by $1.6
billion, or make it more difficult to vote, or wage a war on
women, or despoil the environment. But that's what he did.

Yet many voters were uncomfortable with kicking him out for
this. I spoke with voters in Fort Atkinson, Wisconsin, last
Friday and some of them disagreed with Walker on a few of
these policies but didn't believe he should be recalled
because of them. This sentiment turned out to be a common one.

4. Walker was a strong candidate

As much as I can't stand the man, Walker proved to be a
formidable candidate. He stayed on message. He was a pesky
debater. He was unflappable. He cultivated a down-to-earth
image with his jacket off and his shirtsleeves rolled up and
his aw-shucks demeanor. And he said two plus two equals five
with a straight face and basset eyes. Even as he had the worst
jobs record of any governor in the country, he talked about
how great he was creating jobs, and when the numbers weren't
in his favor, he wheeled out different numbers. Brazen, yes,
but it worked.

Tom Barrett, for his part, ran a much more caffeinated
campaign than last time, and he acquitted himself well in the
debates. In defeat, he was gracious, as he is in every
circumstance. He can hold his head up high.

But this was never about Tom Barrett, as my colleague Ruth
Conniff noted yesterday.

It was always about standing up for labor rights, public
education, women's rights, the social safety net, and the
environment. It was about standing up for the idea of a decent
community. It was about defending the progressive tradition of
Wisconsin.

My heart goes out to all the new activists over the last 16
months who shouted their lungs out, who paraded around the
capitol square in Madison in the freezing cold last February
and March and did so with joy, with creativity, with
ingenuity, with inventiveness, with playfulness.

My heart goes out to all those who sat in at the capitol in a
historic two-week occupation, and who handled themselves with
dignity.

My heart goes out to the 30,000 petition circulators who
gathered a million signatures in the dead of winter in every
county of Wisconsin.

My heart goes out to the Solidarity Singers, who, every single
working day for the past sixteen months, have been in the
capitol at noon defiantly and amusingly and creatively giving
voice to all of us who have a vision of a more humane state.

Do not give up. Progress is not linear. It doesn't come in a
day, or a month, or a year, or in a single campaign. But it
comes.

We've survived huge setbacks before. Young Bob La Follette,
who took over for his father in the U.S. Senate and had a
distinguished two-decade career there, lost in a primary in
1946 to a fellow named Joe McCarthy. That, too, was a brutal
night for Wisconsin.

But we survived McCarthyism. And we will survive Walkerism.

If this election proves anything, though, it proves the need
for campaign finance reform. We must get money out of politics
or we will have no hope for real democracy in Wisconsin or in
America.

=====

22222

What Scott Walker's Survival in the Wisconsin Recall Means for Us

by Robert Borosage

Campaign for America's Future
June 6, 2012 - 7:19am ET
    
http://www.ourfuture.org/blog-entry/2012062306/walker-recall

That Gov. Scott Walker survived the recall in Wisconsin is a
tragic setback for the stunning citizen's movement that
challenged his extremist agenda in Wisconsin. Its implications
are likely to be exaggerated by the right, and underplayed by
progressives. Here are some thoughts on its meaning.

1. Extremism will be challenged

Scott Walker is now a conservative hero. The right's mighty
Wurlitzer will argue that Republican Governors and legislators
will be emboldened because he survived. The attack on public
sector workers and basic worker rights, the sweeping cuts in
education combined with top end tax cuts, the efforts to
restrict voting rights, they will boast, will now spread even
more rapidly across the country.

Really? Walker barely survived the backlash his policies
caused. He lost effective control of the Senate even before
last night's recall returns are known. He had to go through a
brutal recall, and watch his popularity plummet.

I suspect that most governors with a clue will see this as a
calamity that they want to avoid. They'll be looking to find
ways to compromise, to avoid this brutal backlash. No question
that the Tea Party and big money right will be lusting for
more blood. But I suspect that Walker's travails -- and those
of John Kasich in Ohio and Rick Scott in Florida - will sober
Republicans up a bit.

2. This is only Round One

That said, progressives should not dismiss the recall as
idiosyncratic, dismissing its import since exit polls showed
President Obama would win the state against Republican nominee
Mitt Romney, and many voters voted for Walker because they
objected to the recall itself, not because they endorsed his
policies.

Conservative columnist Russ Douthat suggests that Wisconsin
represents the new era of American politics, where scarcity
and slow growth limits the ability of politicians to find win-
win compromises. Instead, he predicts more Wisconsin-like
battles, "grinding struggles in which sweeping legislation is
passed by party-line votes and then the politicians
responsible hunker down and try to survive the backlash." As
noted above, I think more politicians will seek to find middle
ground than Douthat suggests. He, for example, risibly argues
that Obama's first two years were an example of sweeping
partisan legislation. In fact, Obama's two years were devoted
to painful efforts to find middle ground - compromising on the
stimulus, wasting months on Democratic Sen. Max Baucus'
phantom health care negotiations with "Republican moderates,"
pre-diluting Wall Street reform.

But Douthat is right that the country has to make big choices.
Will working and poor people continue to pay the cost for the
mess caused by 30 years of failed conservative policies? Or
will people succeed in sending the bill to those that caused
the mess? Will we continue to see America starve its public
services - from schools to health care to retirement security
to internal improvements in everything from clean water to
sensible energy? Or will we rebuild our commonwealth with fair
taxes on private wealth? Will we empower workers to gain a
fair share of the profits and productivity that they help to
create or will we continue to give CEOs multimillion-dollar
personal incentives to ship jobs abroad, break unions, cook
the books, plunder their own companies to meet short-term
expectations? Will America continue to police the world or
will we put our attention and priority on rebuilding our own
country?

Scarcity and slow growth will make choices necessary - and
these will be brutal fights, even with moderate leaders like
Barack Obama who are looking for common ground.

3. Money counts

And in these fights, big money is mobilized to protect its
interests. Walker outspent his opponent by more than seven to
one. In the post-Citizens United world, we don't even have an
accurate count of how much money was spent by outside groups.
And money counts. It not only floods the airwaves with ads,
but it pays for identifying allied voters, registering them,
and getting them to the polls.

Wisconsin is a sterling example of what elections will be: the
power of mobilized right-wing and corporate money against the
power of mobilized people. The union-led We Are One movement
that opposed Walker ran a powerful popular mobilization
effort. They handed in almost one million signatures on the
recall petition, about 40 percent of the vote. They knocked on
doors and stayed on the phones. But the $47 million that
Walker and outside allied groups spent enabled him to frame
the election early with unopposed ads, and to gear up his own
sophisticated ground operation.

Wisconsin is a clear warning to progressives. We'll have to
work harder, stretch more, educate more, reach out more and
build more to match the increasing force of big money.

This flood of money has another corrosive effect. Democratic
candidates and causes will seek to be financially competitive.
Unions and progressive small-donor-based operations will be
less able to provide the resources needed. Democrats will
dilute their agenda and dull their message to appeal for funds
from deep-pocket donors. So while mobilized money is likely to
sharpen the right-wing agenda, it is likely to dull the
Democratic response. That puts even more of a burden on
building an independent progressive citizens' movement that
can frame the stakes, make the case and get out the vote.

4. The potential of millennials

In Wisconsin, according to exit polls, seniors were 18 percent
of the vote. Walker won 56 percent of their vote. Young people
- aged 18-29 - were only 16 percent of the vote. They voted
for Barrett 51-47 percent. The turnout - 2.4 million - was
higher than it was in the Republican sweep in 2010, but lower
than the 3 million that turned out in 2008.

In elections across the country, the biggest generation - the
millennials - will decide much by how they vote and whether
they turn out or tune out. The enthusiasm of 2008 has been
lost in the disappointments of the Obama years and the harsh
economy that young people are facing. But this is a generation
that carries very different perspectives than its boomer
parents and grandparents. It is far more comfortable with
diversity, far more socially liberal, far more concerned about
the environment.

The economic prospects of millennials are also far more
difficult, as they struggle with the worst jobs market since
the Great Depression, declining wages and rising debts. How
they react - and how engaged they become in the political
process - will say much about the direction this country
takes.

5. Union power and weakness

Wisconsin showed that unions are still a mighty force in
American politics. They were at the center of the We are One
movement and drove the recall campaign. As noted, they sent a
message to conservative politicians across the country.

That said, Walker won 38 percent of the vote of people who
said they were members of a union household. In an election
framed by Walker's assault on basic worker rights, that is a
dispiriting number, not much different than normal election
results.

Clearly, the divide and conquer tactics of pitting public
workers against private workers had some traction. It also
suggests that unions have serious work to do in educating and
mobilizing their own members about the existential threat that
they now face.

[Robert L. Borosage is the founder and president of the
Institute for America's Future and co-director of its sister
organization, the Campaign for America's Future. The
organizations were launched by 100 prominent Americans to
develop the policies, message and issue campaigns to help
forge an enduring majority for progressive change in America.

Mr. Borosage writes widely on political, economic and national
security issues.   He is a Contributing Editor at The Nation
magazine, and a regular blogger on the Huffington Post.  His
articles have appeared in The American Prospect, the
Washington Post, the New York Times and the Philadelphia
Inquirer. He edits the Campaign's Making Sense issues guides,
and is co-editor of Taking Back America (with Katrina Vanden
Heuvel) and The Next Agenda (with Roger Hickey).

Borosage is the founder and board chair of Progressive
Majority, an organization devoted to recruiting and training
progressive to run for state and local office.  He is co
founder and chair of ProgressiveCongress.org, an organization
that provides a bridge between progressives in the Congress
and the progressive community.  He serves on the board of
Working America, a grassroots organization of working
Americans, and the Institute for Policy Studies, a progressive
research institute.]

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