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PORTSIDELABOR  February 2012, Week 2

PORTSIDELABOR February 2012, Week 2

Subject:

Wisconsin:Twenty-Two Faces of an American Uprising

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Tue, 14 Feb 2012 21:41:37 -0500

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Wisconsin:Twenty-Two Faces of an American Uprising
By John Nichols
The Nation (blog)
February 14, 2012
http://www.thenation.com/blog/166229/twenty-faces-american-uprising

When Wisconsin Governor Scott Walker
announced on February 11, 2011, that he would use a
bureaucratic "budget repair bill" as a vehicle to
attack collective-bargaining rights, civil-service
protections and local democracy, he expected a
reaction.

The governor went so far as threaten to call
out the National Guard to prevent protests from getting
out of hand. But Walker and his aides were certain that
they would be done with the fight in a week. Now, a
year later, Walker faces ongoing demonstrations,
increasing legislative opposition, multiple legal
challenges and a recall election threat that arose when
one million Wisconsinites signed petitions seeking his
removal from office.

Walker should have known he was in
trouble when the first protests began and a young woman
who worked at the State Historical Society showed up
with a white T-shirt pulled over her winter coat. With
a place pen, she had written: "I Am Not Afraid of the
National Guard!"

The governor's attempt to intimidate
Wisconsinites into accepting an austerity agenda that
assaulted not just labor rights but the state's open
government and small-"d" democratic traditions was a
failure from the start. Instead of scaring citizens
into submission, Walker provoked an uprising that
continues to this day. The courage, optimism and steady
determination of Wisconsinites, many of whom had never
engaged in public protest or political action before,
is what undid Walker's best-laid plans.

Even as he
succeeded in enacting elements of his program, the
push-back was so intense that two of his key
legislative allies were defeated in the state Senate
recall elections of last summer. And, now, he and his
lieutenant governor face a similar fate. This was a
people-powered uprising, But even the most spontaneous
of revolts requires information, messaging and calls to
arms.

The movement had some national allies. Union
leaders such as Jerry McEntee of the American
Federation of State, County and Municipal Employees
(who declared Wisconsin to be "ground zero in the
struggle for labor rights") and Randi Weingarten of the
American Federation of Teachers came early, as did the
Rev. Jesse Jackson. Rocker Tom Morello played Woody
Guthrie songs for the crowds, and wrote a great song of
his own: "Union Town." Democracy Now!'s Amy Goodman and
MSNBC's Ed Schultz broadcast live from Madison, as did
GRITtv's Laura Flanders.

But the mass movement that
made "Wisconsin" not just the name of a state but a new
name for resistance would not have been possible
without visionary groups and individuals who stepped up
at critical stages in the struggle.

Here are a few that ought never be forgotten:

The University of Wisconsin
Teaching Assistants Association The oldest graduate
student union in the world (now an American Federation
of Teachers affiliate) "got it" immediately. Within
hours of the governor's announcement, the TAA declared:
"What we do in the next 5 days will determine whether
we keep our union, and our professional lives as
educators, researchers, and public servants." TAA
members were front and center at the first rallies on
campus. They organized the February 14 march that
brought protesters into the state Capitol and to the
door of the governor's office. TAA members took the
lead in maintaining the presence in the Capitol that
would eventually see thousands of Wisconsinites
sleeping in around the clock. State Rep. Mark Pocan,
a Madison Democrat who helped organize round-the-clock
hearings in the Capitol says: "While a lot of unions
brought people in volume, I don't know if anyone else
brought them in as continually and consistently."

State Senator Fred Risser
The longest serving state
legislator in the United States, Risser was first
elected when Dwight Eisenhower was president.
Distinguished and well-regarded by members of both
parties, the former state Senate President stepped up
immediately to decry Walker's actions. He brought
historical perspective, and he did not mince words.
State employees have the right to negotiate in good
faith with the state. Without a willingness to even
discuss what concessions need to be made with state
employees, the governor comes across more like a
dictator and less like a leader," said the dean of the
Senate. When the state Senate minority leader Mark
Miller led fourteen Democratic senators out of the
Capitol in order to deny Walker's Republican allies the
quorum needed to pass the budget bill--and to provide
the protest movement with time to build
momentum--younger legislators such as Lena Taylor, Chris
Larson and Jon Erpenbach emerged as prominent
spokespeople. But none were any bolder than the
chamber's oldest member when it came to defending the
best Wisconsin tradition of placing the will of the
people above the demands of political and economic
elites.

Dane County Supervisor Melissa Sargent
At a point when most local officials were shellshocked 
by the governor's move, Sargent leapt into action, getting
the local government of the state's second-largest
county (and the home of the state Capitol) to take an
unequivocal stand on behalf of labor rights. The
resolution Sargent (with the support of allies such as
Supervisor Dianne Hesselbein got passed declared: "The
Dane County Board of Supervisors supports the Wisconsin
worker and supports the right to organize and
collectively bargain. We stand opposed to Gov. Walker's
attack on the middle class and on the rights of
Wisconsin workers." Sargent's bold move inspired other
local officials across the state to rise up against
Walker's agenda. And it marked her as a new-generation
leader who, this fall, will compete for an open state
legislative seat.

Voces de la Frontera
On the day Scott
Walker announced his plan, the Milwaukee-based civil
rights and immigrant rights group Voces de la Frontera
beat many state and national labor and political
organizations to the frontlines. Voces executive
director Christine Neumann-Ortiz, decried the law,
saying: "This is a vicious attack on the basic freedom
of association, enshrined both in our US Constitution
and federal labor law. Labor unions built our middle
class. In addition, Walker's statement today that he is
prepared to utilize the National Guard against
opponents is both a direct threat of violence and an
admission of its unpopularity.... We join public unions
across the state in calling on all Wisconsin workers to
make their voices heard in opposition to this plan, and
we will continue to fight its passage in any way
possible." Voces never backed down. It's members were
at the forefront of marches and rallies. And Voces
built an alliance with the labor movement so strong
that, when the group's annual immigrant rights march
was held May 1, 2011, AFL-CIO President Richard Trumka
was the keynote speaker at a "Wisconsin Solidarity
March and Rally for Immigrant & Worker Rights" that
drew a crowd of 100,000.

State Representative Mark Pocan
The former co-chair of the legislative Joint
Finance Committee challenged Walker's budget numbers
from the start, noting that the governor had signed
measures cutting corporate taxes before declaring a
"budget crisis." Pocan's critique revealed the false
premises underpinning Walker's agenda. When the
governor threatened to layoff protesting state
employees, Pocan unfurled a banner from his office
window in the Capitol that read: "Governor Walker Your
Pink Slip is Coming." When the governor's legislative
allies (brothers Scott Fitzgerald, the Senate majority
leader, and Jeff Fitzgerald, the Assembly minority
leader) violated open meetings laws and legislative
rules to secure passage of measures, Pocan coined the
term "Fitzwalkerstan." "Don't recognize your state?
That's because it's not your state anymore. The
Republicans have spent the past two months quietly
trying to form their own junta aimed at dismembering
Wisconsin," explained Pocan. "Welcome to
FitzWalkerstan, where Wisconsin is open for special
interest give-a-ways and closed to the middle-class."
Now a candidate for an open Congressional seat (in a
race with another fine legislator, Kelda Helen Roys),
Pocan promises to be just as tough on national
Republicans.

Madison Teachers Inc.
When MTI, the union that represents Madison-area 
teachers and school staff announced on February 16
that its members were leaving the classrooms and
heading to the state Capitol, they were joined by
students and parents and the crowds swelled. And
MTI executive director John Matthews, a
local labor leader with more than forty years
experience, used all his connections to bring other
unions into the fight. Matthews and the thousands of
MTI members are among the stalwarts who have kept the
protests going all year at the Wisconsin Capitol.

Madison Firefighters Local 311
Firefighters Local 311 president Joe Conway Jr. moved
quickly to bring firefighters into the the movement,
despite the fact that public safety personnel were
exempt from the attacks on collective-bargaining rights.
The sound of the firefighter's bagpipes was heard at
some of the first rallies at the Capitol, and delivered a
solidarity message that encouraged other unions to step
up. State Firefighters union president Mahlon Mitchell
became one of the most prominent faces of the movement,
and is now much discussed as a potential candidate for
governor, lieutenant governor of other offices.

John "Sly" Sylvester
Former rock DJ Sylvester had a popular
commercial talk radio show on Madison station WTDY-AM.
On the day the fight in Wisconsin launched, he switched
over to all protest, all the time. He hasn't stopped
since. Sylvester's show has for a year now provided
four hours of pro-labor programming every day. And the
message is so popular that his advertisers now cut
commercials touting their support for the union cause.

Matt Wisniewski
A series of short videos made by
Madison photographer Matt Wisniewski chronicled the
emotional power of the protests so ably that they drew
international attention and praise. Wisniewski's work,
which captured the energy and enthusiasm of the first
rallies and the initial occupation of the state Capitol
were so moving that they quickly went vital, attracting
millions of Internet hits. Eventually, scenes from one
of of Wisniewski's productions was featured in a video
by rocker Tom Morello. And Chrysler grabbed a few
seconds for the much-discussed Super Bowl ad featuring
Clint Eastwood. Unfortunately, Chrysler obscured or
covered up many of the union signs. See Wisniewski's
originals. They're magical.

WORT-FM
Madison's great
community radio station, WORT, provided steady coverage
from the start of the protests, employing not just
traditional radio reporting but Twitter, Facebook, flip
cams and everything else at its disposal. Norm
Stockwell, Molly Stentz and the rest of the WORT crew
also provided a base of operations for programs such as
GRIT-TV, independent radio producers and filmmakers.

Assembly Minority Leader Peter Barca
If there was a  "Mr. Smith Goes to Washington" moment
in Wisconsin, it came when the leader of the Democratic
minority in the State Assembly confronted Republican
allies of the governor who were gaming the rules of the
legislature to pass the most anti-labor components of
Walker's proposal. Barca, a former congressman, raced
to a legislative conference committee with a list of
objections and amendments -- as well as some reminders
regarding the rules. When state Senate Majority Leader
Scott Fitzgerald, a key Walker lieutenant, ignored
Barca, the usually mild-mannered assemblyman bellowed:
"This is a violation of the open meetings law... This
is a violation of the law!" The scene, captured on
video, was replayed tens of thousands of times, and
Barca became a hero to those who objected not just to
the governor's agenda but to how it was being advanced.
Working with young Democratic legislators such as Cory
Mason and Tamara Grigsby, Barca emerged as a defender
not just of labor rights but of the rule of law.
Indeed, he got such high marks that, when he spoke at
an anniversary rally organized by the Wisconsin Wave
movement, there were chants of "Barca for Governor."

Joel Greeno and Tony Schultz
When famers Joel Greeno
and Tony Schultz attended some of the first pro-labor
rallies at the Capitol, they decided something was
missing: tractors. With the Wisconsin Farmers Union and
Family Farm Defenders, they organized a tractorcade
that brought farmers from across the state to the mass
rally on March 12. Their message: workers and farmers
have to "Pull Together," Greeno noted that farmers use
collective bargaining when they join cooperatives and
seek to negotiate prices, and declared: "When Governor
Walker attacks the rights of workers, he attacks the
rights of farmers." Schultz celebrated the renewal of
"an old populist tradition of workers and farmers
standing together against corporate power." And their
message resonated, as rural Wisconsinites became some
of the most engaged backers of the drive to recall
Governor Walker. Washburn, Wisconsin On the day of the
largest protest in Madison, the crowd estimates were as
high as 180,000. That's almost as many people who live
in the city. But on that same day, in the city of
Washburn on Lake Superior, Governor Walker was attended
a fund-raising event for local Republicans. Outside the
hall, more than 2,000 activists rallied. That's a more
people than live in Washburn. The big numbers on the
north that day provided a powerful reminder that the
Wisconsin uprising was not just a Wisconsin thing. Some
of the biggest protests took place in some of the
smallest towns.

Secretary of State Doug La Follette
The veteran constitutional officer was the only Democrat to
win a statewide race in 2010. Walker paid La Follette
no attention until it came time to certify the
governor's anti-labor legislation. The Secretary of
State slowed things down, following proper procedures,
consulting with local officials, cooperating with Dane
County Circuit Court Judge Mary Ann Sumi as she
reviewed whether an open meetings law violation had
occurred, and providing the space that allowed many
municipalities and school districts to settle contracts
before the new law went into effect. Walker was
furious. But La Follette was steady in his resolve. He
emerged as a lonely defender of the rule of law.

National Nurses United
The union had a small presence
in the state but it stepped in at a critical moment
with a message that the real culprits were not state
and local workers, or teachers, but Wall Street
banksters. Their "Blame Wall Street" signs are still on
display all across Wisconsin. And their message was
echoed in an epic speech by filmmaker Michael Moore.
The NNU and Moore interventions gave a young protest
movement an economically populist and militant message
that anticipated Occupy Wall Street.

Ian's Pizza
The pizzeria located barely a block from the Capitol
started getting calls almost as soon as the building
was occupied. Folks from outside Madison wanted to pay
for pizzas to be delivered to the protesters. During
the eighteen days of the occupation, Ian's delivered
thousands of pizzas to the demonstrators on behalf of
callers from all fifty states, more than sixty
countries and Antarctica. There was even a donation
from union workers in Egypt. And what did Ian's do with
the money? "We have decided to give back," the staff
announced. With advice from the community, Ian's made
substantial donations to groups that were engaged in
and supporting the protests.

Dane County Sheriff Dave Mahoney
When Mahoney, a veteran lawman, announced that
his deputies would not serve as Walker's "palace
guard," it was a signal that police forces were going
to maintain not just public safety but the right to
dissent. Off-duty deputies from around the state joined
police officers from Madison and other cities joined
protests, proudly clad in "Cops For Labor" T-shirts.

The Center for Media and Democracy
The Madison-based
center, which has long specialized in discrediting
political and corporate spin recognized an incredible
opportunity when Scott Walker and his allies brought
the austerity lie to Wisconsin. CMD's Lisa Graves and
Mary Bottari steered the group's staff out of research
cubicles and into the thick of the struggle as
reporters, photographers, bloggers and investigators.
The CMD blog broke big stories and got so good that
national media outlets were soon grabbing quotes and
video from it. CMD fostered and encouraged grassroots
journalism, highlighting Twitter and Facebook
communications that became essential drivers for the
movement. And as the struggle continued, the group
focused on the financial and ideological underpinnings
of Walker's agenda to reveal the role played by the
right-wing American Legislative Exchange Council in
shaping legislative enacted in Wisconsin and other
states. The ensuing "Alec Exposed" project was produced
in conjunction with The Nation.

The Solidarity Singers
These occupiers of the state Capitol began singing
labor songs in the rotunda and never stopped. Despite
efforts by the Walker administration to ban them, the
Solidarity Singers return each day--sometimes hundreds
strong--to deliver a cappella versions of civil rights
and union tunes. Sometimes, you'll even hear a state
legislator joining the chorus. They're so popular now
that they are recording a CD.

United Wisconsin
Scott Walker and his amen corner claim he's being targeted by
"big union bosses" and "the national Democratic Party."
But the recall challenge he faces was created in large
part by the tens of thousands of volunteers who forged
the "United Wisconsin" movement. Started as a website
that collected names of Wisconsinites who wanted to
recall and remove the governor, the movement eventually
turned its list of 200,000 Walker foes into a statewide
movement, with trained coordinators in every one of the
state's 72 counties, local offices in most of them and
a volunteer network that did not quit. They gathered
not just 1 million signatures to recall Scott Walker
but 850,000 to recall his lieutenant governor and the
better part of 100,000 more to recall the state Senate
majority leader and three other senators allied with
the governor.

Lori Compas
When the wedding photographer
from Fort Atkinson, Wisconsin, learned that her
legislative representative, Senate majority leader
Scott Fitzgerald, had violated state open meetings laws
to push through Walker's assault on collective
bargaining, civil service protections, public education
and public services, she knew he had to go. But
Democratic strategists said Fitzgerald's district was
too Republican to sustain a recall drive. So Compas
launched one on her own. Using Twitter, Facebook and
old-fashioned shoe leather, she drew together a cadre
of volunteers that collected more than enough
signatures. Now, the political newcomer is being talked
up as a potential challenger to the most powerful
legislator in the state.

Sean Michael Dargan and Ken Lonnquist
Folkies, rockers and rappers have produced
such an incredible collection of songs about the
Wisconsin struggle that it is tough to single anyone
out. The brilliant Ken Lonnquist has produced a whole
album of tunes, recounting details of the struggle with
songs such as "14 Senators"--the story of the exit of
Democratic legislators--which includes the line: "2,000
Monday, 10,000 Tuesday, 15,000 Wednesday, 25,000
Thursday..." But Sean Michael Dargan, a veteran
songwriter whose band The Kissers was a rally favorite
in Wisconsin, nailed it with the song he debuted at the
rally to kick off the recall movement against the
governor: "On the Day Scott Walker is Recalled."

John Nichols' new book on protests and politics, Uprising:
How Wisconsin Renewed the Politics of Protest, from
Madison to Wall Street, will be published next week by
Nation Books. Follow John Nichols on Twitter
@NicholsUprising.

____________________________________________

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