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PORTSIDE  July 2011, Week 4

PORTSIDE July 2011, Week 4

Subject:

African Political Unity Must Be More Selective

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African Political Unity Must Be More Selective

A blueprint for change

William Gumede
2011-07-14, Issue 539
http://pambazuka.org/en/category/features/74902

     Political unity across much of African has proven
     to be a question of `glorified clubs of leadership
     chums' protecting one another through regional
     institutions, writes William Gumede. With the rise
     of new emerging powers in the world, Africa needs a
     new `revamped' African Union involving member
     countries who meet appropriate standards around
     democracy and economic governance, Gumede argues.

There cannot be any clearer illustration of the
impotence of Africa's continental and regional
institutions to find local solutions to the continent's
problems than their numbing inaction in the face of the
wave of popular rebellions against dictators in North
Africa sweeping across the continent.

African continental and regional institutions were
conspicuously silent when popular rebellions kicked out
autocratic leaders in Tunisia and Egypt. They have been
equally clueless in dealing with the crisis in Libya
where people are rebelling against their ruler, Colonel
Muammar Gaddafi - and he is fighting back violently. The
AU mission to Libya was a massive failure.

In the absence of leadership from Africans, the UN and
traditional big powers stepped in to try to resolve the
Libyan and other African crises. African institutions
and leaders also spectacularly failed to deal with the
crisis in the Côte d'Ivoire, where former strongman
Laurent Gbagbo refused to step down after losing
presidential elections to Alassane Ouattara. Again, the
failure of African leaders and continental institutions
in the Côte d'Ivoire crisis meant that former colonial
power, France, at crucial points played a key role in
mobilising international pressure on Gbagbo to step
down.

Africa's sub-regional institutions have been equally
impotent. The Economic Community of West African States
(ECOWAS) had one emergency meeting after another, but
got nowhere close to resolving the Côte d'Ivoire crisis.
The Southern African Development Community (SADC) has
yet to stop Zimbabwean autocrat Robert Mugabe's tyranny
against its people. In fact, during crucial moments,
SADC and regional leaders have actually reinforced
Mugabe's power. Similarly, in Swaziland, King Mswati,
has battered his people, but still receives the red-
carpet treatment by SADC. The AU of course has not done
any better in both Zimbabwe and Swaziland.

The AU, the home-grown continental structure set up to
offer African solutions for local problems, has failed
spectacularly in lots of other African hotspots too. It
has fallen far short in trying to broker an end to
bloody conflict in the Darfur region of Sudan. It did
not come to grips with the crippling food shortages,
fuel and inflation plaguing the continent, which is at
least in part due to bad local leadership, mismanagement
and lack of democracy. A common response to other common
regional problems, such as the HIV/Aids crisis, or a
common response to the devastating impact of the global
financial crisis, has been lacking. Not surprisingly,
African countries worst hit by food shortages -
including Zimbabwe, Egypt, Cameroon, Gabon, Ethiopia -
are also among those governed the most autocratically,
and where the AU's silence has been most deafening.

For all the rhetoric of `African unity', AU member
states have rarely voted together in international fora
to safeguard common African interests. The `unity'
record of regional institutions such as SADC and ECOWAS
are similarly compromised. Individual African countries
are usually often bought off by big and former colonial
powers. Continental and regional institutions have had
no uniform mutually beneficial policy towards
interacting with outside powers. The only unity has
often been of Africa gangs of dictators clubbing
together behind the AU, SADC or ECOWAS to shield each
other against criticisms by ordinary Africans, civil
groups and outsiders when battering their citizens.

For example, China picks and chooses its policies for
different AU member states - buying off individual
leaders - to prevent a united African response. Africa
has been divided on how to respond to the European
Union's economy undermining economic partnership
agreements (EPAs), with some countries rejecting it and
others embracing it. EPAs force African countries not to
trade with countries or regions competing with the EU. A
common response from African continental and regional
institutions would have made it difficult for the EU to
punish those refusing to sign up and prevented them from
playing African countries off against each other.

AFRICA'S PROSPERITY DEPENDS ON TIGHTER POLITICAL, TRADE
AND ECONOMIC INTEGRATION

It is now a truism that Africa's prosperity in an
increasingly uncertain, complex and rapidly changing
world depends on even closer political, economic and
trade integration between countries. Africa's future
prosperity still lies in individual countries on the
continent, pooling their markets, development efforts
and attempts to seriously build democracy. African
countries now desperately need the stability, security
and the independence to make policies freely that only a
continental `pooling of resources and cooperation' can
provide. African countries will have to come up with
common strategies to leverage for example China and
other emerging markets' increased trade and investment
interests in Africa.

The current leadership of regional and continental
institutions are too discredited, the institutions too
toothless and the rules for membership too lenient. The
solution is to radically overhaul continental and
regional institutions. In order to reverse this
dispiriting situation, African countries will have to
bring new energy, ideas and leaders to make regional and
continental institutions work. Furthermore, we need new
objectives and new concepts appropriate and even new
words that are appropriate for our times. The ways in
which many African leaders and institutions generally
think about closer integration is outdated. The idea of
a pan-Africanism in which all African countries will
join into a happy family is unworkable, unachievable and
simply silly. To continue with these ideas will mean
that Africa is unlikely to reach its full potential in
this generation and become as prosperous as say the East
Asian tigers.

The current wave of rebellions against dictators that
started in North Africa, the global financial crisis and
the rise of emerging countries such as China, Brazil and
India - which is likely to remake the world - offers a
critical juncture for African countries to pursue
comprehensive going reforms of continental and regional
institutions. In fact, given the rupture that the global
financial crisis is causing to nations, the continent
may end up poorer, unless it changes direction.

African political unity must be selective. The basis of
a revamped African Union must start with a small group
of countries that should club together who can pass a
double `stress' test based on quality of a democracy and
the prudence of their economic governance. When the
final decision was made on the structure of the AU in
2001, there were two options on the table to determine
membership criteria. One option argued for selective
membership based on meeting certain democratic and
development criteria. The second option argued for all
African countries to be members, regardless of whether
they are led by dictators. This latter option was pushed
by some of Africa's `big men'-led countries, including
Libya's Gaddafi and Zimbabwe's Mugabe.[1] Clearly, this
was a lost opportunity.

The AU has, in fact, no minimum entry requirements,
whether in terms of the quality of democracy or the
prudence of a country's economic management. Because
membership of the AU is largely voluntary, countries
like Zimbabwe, could still be members even if their
governments have appalling human rights records and
spectacularly mismanage their countries' economics and
politics. This means that Zimbabwe and all the rogue
regimes in Africa can all be fully-fledged voting
members, determining the outcomes of crucial decisions
of the organisation.

MAKE MEMBERSHIP OF THE AU MORE SELECTIVE

In fact, the AU should start as a three-track system, a
core group of countries that meets the minimum
democratic and economic governance criteria, and a
second track of countries who did not make the cut in
democratic and economic management terms, but which are
serious about pursuing the new objectives of the AU. The
rest, the third group of countries, would be the
assortment of dictatorships - which should be shunned,
until they introduce democratic governance. The second-
track countries should then be assessed on an annual
basis to see whether they are ready yet to enter the
first track of countries.

By compelling members to follow a set of good economic
and social policies, the citizens of African countries
who are outside the AU - perhaps because their leaders
refuse to adhere to minimum good governance rules - will
also have a clear set of standards against which they
can measure their governments' performance. Citizens of
non-member countries would also be able to use to
compulsory AU good governance criteria to put pressure
on their governments to deliver. This will also energise
many African nations as their citizens would be able to
measure their governments' performance - whether members
of the AU or not - against credible new continental-wide
good governance norms.

Of course, there are not many African countries that
will right now pass such a test. Stricter rules will
mean that the AU will start off initially as a small
club of countries. At best perhaps only South Africa,
Mauritius, Botswana, Cape Verde, Namibia - and then if
the criteria are in some cases flexibly applied!
Nevertheless, the countries which pass the test for
acceptance into the elite tier should harmonise economic
policies, and foreign and democratic governance. These
top-tier African countries could be the core of the
first African-wide set of industrial policies and long-
term economic development strategy aimed to lift African
countries up the industrial value chain.

Every country then sets democratic and developmental
targets, say for five years. Every member of the AU can
draw up a developmental plan, in consultation with the
AU. At the heart of these developmental plans must be
for African countries to diversify, from raw materials
to beneficiated products. As former UN Secretary General
Kofi Annan rightly said recently Africa is over-reliant
on unprocessed commodities along with insufficient
investment in manufacturing and infrastructure, and this
old pattern is being replicated in its trade with new
emerging partners, such as China and India, which is
unlikely to translate into widespread job-creation,
poverty reduction and economic prosperity.

The AU will then monitor the implementation of these
plans to ensure they are met. The movement between these
countries of skills, people and goods could be eased.
Countries which adhere to these democratic and economic
management criteria could be rewarded with new
investments, development projects and support, and those
not excluded until they improve. Special Africa
investment funds could be set up, for example pooling
the proceeds from commodities, to finance social and
physical infrastructure across the continent. Proceeds
from such funds would then be distributed on the basis
of the level or willingness of nations to reform
economies and democracies. This fund can then be use for
targeted development in underdeveloped areas of the
countries that make the criteria.

It is not that countries that fall in the poorest
governed groups should be sidelined. Funds, resources
and support could be given to them, based on strict
criteria of adherence to democratic and prudent economic
governance rules. The AU of core countries will then
adopt joint positions on foreign policy, and will act as
a bloc in multilateral organisations, international
treaties, and on common issues, such as the climate
change. The AU can also directly negotiate with say
China when trade deals are struck to come up with the
most beneficial trade deals for individual countries.
The AU will then negotiate as a trade bloc beneficial
trade agreements for African countries. A core, standing
African peacekeeping force could be set up from members
of the core group, and those of the second group through
the principle of `flexible' union.

Secondly, the second group of African countries which do
not meet the minimum democratic and economic governance
criteria, but which are genuinely on their way to meet
these requirements, would then be set targets to reach
before they are allowed into the elite group.
Achievement of these targets would then be rewarded with
increased investment. The third group of African
countries which have very minimum levels of democratic
governance and prudent economic management would also be
set targets, with deadlines to meet at least the
requirements to be allowed into the second-tier nations.

The fourth group of African countries would be those who
are typically undemocratic and badly governed
economically, with clearly no immediate prospects of
improvement. Those countries scoring badly - and showing
unwillingness to reform - should be sidelined until they
shape up. The first-tier countries would then offer
citizens of the African nations where democratic and
economic governance fall short continental examples to
aspire to.

FOCUS ON RIGHTS OF CITIZENS, RATHER THAN STATE SECURITY

The sub-regional African institutions, SADC, COMESA and
the EAC (East Africa Community) must all be collapsed to
make way for a revamped AU, a continental-wide common
market and Africa free trade area. Africa can escape the
high tariffs in industrial countries by instead of
exporting products to these industrial countries
exporting to other African countries that do not produce
such products. Of course it is right for African
countries to call for an overhaul of the unfair trade
barriers imposed by industrial countries. The reality is
that this is not going to happen. The difficulties that
industrial nations now experience because of the global
financial crisis means that these countries are likely
to become more protectionist, rather than less. This
means that African countries will have to go beyond just
complaining - because it will lead nowhere. A better
strategy would be for African countries to trade smarter
within, and with new trading partners among emerging
markets. For example, Africa's manufacturing and
services may be uncompetitive in relation to industrial
nations, but can be traded with other African countries.

Continental and regional institutions peace and security
policies have, as under the Organisation of African
Unity (OAU), at their focus state security, rather than
human security. This wrong-headed principle is at the
heart of African peers shielding despots such Zimbabwe's
Robert Mugabe from criticisms, rather than coming to the
aid of their desperate citizens. For the OAU, African
presidents were more important than the continent's
people. This has remained unchanged under the new AU and
regional institutions. Another obstructive rule has been
that African leaders always side with the fellow African
leaders when they are criticised by the West, especially
former colonial powers, no matter the merits of the
criticisms.

Furthermore, fellow African movements always close ranks
when another is criticised by outsiders. This must be
broken. African solidarity must not be based on leaders,
but on values, such as democracy, social justice, clean
government, ethnic inclusiveness and peace, protecting
ordinary Africans against disease, violence and hunger,
and prudently managing economies for the benefit of the
continent's people. African countries will need to cede
some of their sovereignty. The AU's charter will have to
be changed from protecting the sovereignty of individual
countries to protecting the security of Africans
themselves. The African principle of non-interference in
the affairs of neighbours still partially informs the
AU, which has been very reluctant to intervene
forcefully in misgoverned nations.

A combination of social and economic integration caused
by globalisation's adjuncts of migration, urbanisation
and the free flow of information, means borders are
increasingly meaningless.[2] There are no `national'
crises in Africa anymore: a crisis in one African
country will quickly turn into a crisis in the whole
region, affecting the whole continent.[3] Zimbabwe's
problems are South African - as the 3 million destitute
Zimbabwean emigrants fleeing chaos in their country to
South Africa are attesting to. Similarly, in East
Africa, if Kenya catches a fever, so too does Uganda,
Tanzania, Rwanda, Burundi and the DR Congo.[4]

There is not much provision for ordinary African
citizens to have direct influence on AU and regional
institutions' decisions. AU, regional institutions and
African leaders were themselves very reluctant to have
civil society, let alone their voting citizens,
scrutinise their institutions and plans. So far,
continental and regional institutions are glorified
clubs of leadership chums, mostly dictators for that
matter. Referenda could be introduced whereby ordinary
citizens, electorates and civil groups vote on crucial
policies of continental and regional institutions.

A revamped AU and regional institutions could play
important roles in constructing a new democratic
political culture across the continent. Importantly, the
fact that most African countries are so ethnically,
linguistically and culturally diverse means that
democracy and inclusive development must be the glue of
any nation-building process. Many African countries have
still not reformed limited democratic institutions,
restrictive laws and official powers inherited from
colonial days to more relevant ones. In many other
countries where democratic institutions, such as
parliaments and human rights commissions, have been set
up, these are often in name only. In fact, democratic
political cultures are absent in many countries.

Part of the revamp of continental and regional
institutions must be real, effective pan-African
institutions, such as a continent-wide supreme court and
a constitutional court. These courts should be
independent and have jurisdiction over prescribed areas
in member states, so that when tyrants like Mugabe
emerge they can no longer depend on the acquiescence or
support of fellow rogues whose records are not much
better or even worse. Member countries of revamped AU
and regional institutions will also have to establish
credible democratic institutions: an independent
judiciary, electoral commissions and human rights
bodies.

The first task of revamped continental and regional
institutions must be to compel all its members to scrap
all repressive laws. Most African countries, just like
Zimbabwe, have `insult laws' that outlaws criticisms of
the president - the second leader of Zimbabwe's
opposition Movement for Democratic Change, Tendai Biti,
was prosecuted under these laws. Yet the AU does not
demand its members to repeal such oppressive laws. A
citizen from a member country must have recourse to the
AU if that citizen is brutalised by his or her
government. Gender equality must be the basis of all
business of the AU. Every member country will have to
adhere to a limit of two terms for presidencies. There
will have to be a transparent procedure to impeach
presidents or leaders who start off as democrats but
turn into tyrants, so that we do not repeat having the
likes of Mugabe again.

Political parties in AU member countries getting state
funding should adhere to minimum internal democratic
rules. This will prevent one-man parties and tribal
parties. The AU must also set new minimum standards of
conduct and operation for ruling and opposition parties
in Africa in member countries. Most of them are too
undemocratic, corrupt and tribally based to lead the
continent to a new era of quality democracy and prudent
economic management.

CONCLUSION: AFRICAN INTEGRATION PROJECT MUST BE
GENUINELY DEMOCRATIC

Africa urgently needs an `inclusive and forward-looking'
democratic and economic development project beyond the
lacklustre, superficial and unserious ones offered now.
Political and economic development integration on a
continental level, if done seriously, may perhaps be
that forward-looking project that will lift Africa out
of decline. But the African integration project must be
genuinely democratic, giving ordinary citizens a real
say in its decisions, which will ultimately impact on
their lives. The debate of the future of the continent
must not be limited to leaders or the elite - as is the
case currently.

Post-independence Pan-Africanism failed to secure a
sense of ownership of the African integration projects.
Its proponents steered it in a top-down, leadership-
focused, exclusive and non-participative direction
rather than bottom-up, ordinary citizen, inclusive and
participative manner. The current efforts of the AU and
regional institutions are very much in danger of falling
on the same sword as the failed post-independence
integration project. Beyond leaders and the elite, there
is no genuine African-wide debate about the future of
the continent. Continental and regional institutions
must now urgently be reformed to close the continent's
gaping democracy gap, move it to the next level of
democratic building and consolidate, to ensure enduring
stability and equitable growth.

BROUGHT TO YOU BY PAMBAZUKA NEWS

* William Gumede is honorary associate professor,
Graduate School of Public and Development Management,
University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg. His
forthcoming book `The Democracy Gap: Africa's Wasted
Years' is released later this year.
* Please send comments to editor[at]pambazuka[dot]org or
comment online at Pambazuka News.

NOTES

[1] The leaders of the group ran a campaign suggesting
South Africa was influenced by the West, and therefore
its proposal was to make the AU more EU-like in its
selectivity. Mbeki himself was under attack at the time
by old-guard African leaders who alleged that he was
under the influence of the West. This damaged his
reputation among fellow African peers. Since then, Mbeki
went all out to appear more African than other leaders,
even to the extent of not criticising Zimbabwe's Robert
Mugabe for his human rights abuses in his country, lest
he was tagged as parroting the West.
[2] Githongo, J. and Gumede, W. 2008. `Let the African
Union set democratic standards', The Financial Times, 1
July.
[3] This is clearly illustrated by the fact that a
crisis say in Zimbabwe or Sudan clouds investor
perceptions of the whole of Africa. Outsiders often lump
a crisis in one country as affecting the whole
continent. This problem has been further illustrated by
South Africa's efforts in the mid-1990s to sell itself
as a stable country separate from other African crises-
ridden countries. This has not been very successful, as
Afro-pessimism in the West lumps any political or
economic problem in South Africa, however minor, as a
general affliction of all of Africa. Botswana, one of
Africa's most consistently prudently managed economies
and democracy, has often suffered the same fate.
[4] Githongo, J. and Gumede, W. 2008. `Let the African
Union set democratic standards', The Financial Times, 1
July.

___________________________________________

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