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PORTSIDE  July 2011, Week 4

PORTSIDE July 2011, Week 4

Subject:

What have workers gained from Egypt’s revolution?

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Date:

Mon, 25 Jul 2011 21:00:12 -0400

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What have workers gained from Egypt’s revolution?
Posted By Joel Beinin Wednesday, July 20, 2011 
http://mideast.foreignpolicy.com/posts/2011/07/20/what_have_workers_gained_from_egypt_s_revolution

CAIRO — Since June 12, half of the 18,000 workers who
operate and service the Suez Canal have been on strike.
They are employed in maritime services by seven
subsidiary companies of the Suez Canal Authority in
Suez, Isma‘iliyya, and Port Said. In contrast, those
employed directly by the canal authority have always
received higher wages and better benefits. Long before
January 25, 2011 subsidiary company workers raised the
demand for parity, effectively a 40 percent wage
increase.

Management of the subsidiary companies accepted this
demand in April, an expression of the new possibilities
of the post-January 25 era. But the interim government
has maintained that wages and working conditions of
public service workers are established by parliamentary
legislation, and therefore, no changes can be made
while the parliament is dissolved. The strike expresses
workers' rejection of this logic.

Egyptian workers have achieved increased strength and
self-confidence in the course of the revolutionary
movement. This is expressed by the capacity to sustain
a five-week-long strike in an industrial sector linked
to the economically and strategically critical Suez
Canal and by insisting that economic demands be met
despite the absence of the legal framework established
by the old regime. Labor unions continue to rebuff
myriad accusations in the press and by some of the
"revolutionary youth" that workers' economic demands
are narrow "special interests" rather than "national
interests." In this respect, workers share the
achievement of all Egyptians who heeded the
revolutionary call, "Lift your head high. You are an
Egyptian" -- the recovery of their human dignity.

The removal of former president Hosni Mubarak and the
top layer of his regime empowered Egyptians to find
their voices and demand "dignity, democracy, and
economic justice" -- a popular chant during the
occupation of Tahrir Square in January-February and
since then. This was not an entirely new experience for
millions of industrial and white-collar workers. Many
of them won substantial economic gains, like those
demanded by the Suez Canal Authority subsidiary company
workers, during the movement of over 4,000 strikes,
sit-ins, and other labor collective actions that began
escalating in 1998 and continue today.

During the three days before Mubarak's departure on
February 11, workers visibly contributed to the
revolutionary process by engaging in some sixty
strikes, some with explicitly political demands.
Strikes and sit-ins have continued regularly since then
at the rate of several per week. The total of perhaps
two-hundred workers' collective actions for the first
six months of 2011 is at the same order of magnitude as
the pace of labor protest since 2004.

This has allowed workers to consolidate several gains.
The most important institutional achievement is the
consolidation of the right to organize independent
trade unions.

Since its establishment in 1957, the Egyptian Trade
Union Federation (ETUF) has been an arm of the Egyptian
state and a key institution in its repressive
apparatus. ETUF enjoys a legal monopoly on trade union
organization established by Law 35 of 1976 and
subsequent amendments. ETUF elections, especially the
most recent in 2006, were rigged. State Security
Investigations arbitrarily disqualified oppositional
political elements of any stripe - from Communists to
Muslim Brothers - from running for union office.  ETUF
and most of its local officials stood aloof from or
actively opposed the workers movement of the last
decade.

Before January 25, three independent unions
unaffiliated to ETUF were established. The largest and
most important was the 35,000-member union of Real
Estate Tax Authority (RETA) workers. A dramatic sit-in
strike of 3,000 RETA workers in front of the Ministry
of Finance in December 2007 resulted in a 325 percent
wage increase. Kamal Abu Eita and other strike leaders
used the momentum of this victory to establish an
independent union in December 2008.  In April 2009 the
government recognized it as the first non-ETUF
affiliated union since 1957. The independent RETA
workers' union was a founding member of the Egyptian
Federation of Independent Trade Unions (EFITU), whose
existence was announced at a press conference during
the Tahrir Square occupation on January 30.

Among the newly-established unions affiliated with
EFITU are eight unions and a city-wide labor council in
Sadat City, where 50,000 workers are employed in 200
enterprises -- mainly textiles, iron and steel, and
ceramics and porcelain. There were only two unions in
Sadat City before this year. A largely non-unionized
labor force was only one of the generous incentives to
private investors offered in special economic zones
established in the new satellite cities of Cairo.
Another is that in Qualified Industrial Zones, if 10.5
percent of a product's assessed value comes from
Israeli sources, it receives duty-free and quota-free
access to the United States.

EFITU and the Center for Trade Union and Workers
Services (CTUWS), a non-governmental organization
established in 1990 to promote trade union
independence, successfully resisted the imposition of
the original candidate of the Supreme Council of the
Armed Forces (SCAF), the former ETUF treasurer, as
Minister of Manpower and Migration in the transitional
government. Instead, they proposed Ahmad Hasan
al-Burai, a professor of labor law at Cairo University
who had publicly advocated trade union pluralism for
years. SCAF accepted the nominee of the independent
workers' movement.

Minister al-Burai argues that the legal basis for the
registration of independent unions is that Egypt has
ratified International Labor Organization (ILO)
conventions guaranteeing freedom of association and
protection of the right to organize (No. 87) and the
right to organize and bargain collectively (No. 98).
These international treaty obligations supersede
national legislation. With al-Burai's approval, the
Ministry of Manpower and Migration has formally
registered about twenty-five independent unions not
affiliated to ETUF. Dozens of other independent unions
are in the process of formation.

Some independent unions -- like the Cairo Joint
Transport Authority union of bus drivers and garage
workers and the RETA workers' union -- are quite large
and command the loyalty of a great majority of the
potential bargaining unit. Others have only fifty to
one hundred members in factories employing hundreds or
thousands. The pensions and social benefit accounts of
some public sector industrial workers are tied to their
membership in ETUF-affiliated unions. Minister al-Burai
has indicated his willingness to sever this connection,
which could dramatically increase the number of
independent unions. But the financial procedures
involved are complex.

Meanwhile, the EFITU, the CTUWS, and the Egyptian
Center for Economic and Social Rights (ECESR) have
filed a court case seeking dissolution of ETUF and
sequestration of its assets. Their legal brief argues
(correctly) that, like the dissolved National
Democratic Party, ETUF was an institution of the
Mubarak regime. This coalition has also drafted a new
trade union law to replace Law 35. The Ministry of
Manpower and Migration has held three rounds of
discussion on the draft law, the latest with the
participation of representatives of the ILO. Kamal
Abbas, the general coordinator of the CTUWS, is
optimistic that a new trade union law will be enacted
before the parliamentary elections this fall.

Another workers' achievement is an increase in the
minimum wage. In 2010 Nagi Rashad, a worker at the
South Cairo Grain Mill and a leading figure in the
workers' protest movement, successfully sued the
government over its 2008 decision not to increase the
national minimum wage. Khaled Ali, director of the
ECESR, was the lead attorney on the case. As a result,
the minimum wage was raised to £E 400 (about $70) a
month - still a woefully inadequate amount that would
leave the average Egyptian family of five with two-wage
earners well below the World Bank's poverty line of $2
a day. It is also far less than the consensus demand of
£E 1,200 (about $200) that has emerged from the workers
protest movement since 2008.

The interim government promised a further increase to
£E 700 (about $120) monthly, effective July 1, 2011.
However, the state budget for the fiscal year that
began on that day reduced the amount to £E 685. Workers
and their supporters continue to press the demand for
£E 1,200.

The minimum wage, however, applies only to those
employed on permanent contracts (the equivalent of
tenure). The private sector operates primarily on the
basis of indefinitely renewable "temporary" contracts
lasting one-year or less. The "informal sector" is
unsupervised by the government. Therefore, the minimum
wage applies primarily to public sector workers on
permanent contracts.

Struggles to obtain permanent status for public sector
employees have escalated. For two weeks in June, some
200 workers on temporary contracts at Petrojet, an oil
services firm, conducted a sit-in demonstration in
front of the offices of their employer, the Ministry of
Petroleum. Although access to the offices was not
blocked, five workers were arrested. On June 29, they
were convicted in a military court and received
suspended sentences of one year in jail. This is the
first implementation of SCAF's Decree 34 of March 24,
which established penalties of up to £E 500,000 (about
$83,400) and up to one year in jail for participating
in a "disruptive" strike or demonstration.

The suspended sentence suggests the delicate balance
SCAF must maintain. It seeks to minimize the political
and economic changes that occur under its watch and
until it can hand off power to a legitimate civilian
government. But the SCAF cannot repress all popular
demands and remain legitimate in the eyes of the
people.

The April 6 Youth Movement and other "revolutionary
youth" groups that emerged from the Tahrir Square
occupation from January 25 to February 11 were, at
first, reluctant to embrace specific economic demands,
despite the popular chants demanding "social justice."
Since the mass demonstrations of July 1 and July 8 and
the reoccupation of main squares in Alexandria and Suez
as well as Tahrir in Cairo, the April 6 Movement has
raised the slogan, "The families of the martyrs and the
poor first."

Economic demands have become more prominent since
clashes between families of the martyrs and thugs of
the Ministry of Interior in Cairo in late June. A large
banner overlooking occupied Arabain Square in Suez
supported the general demands of the current phase of
the revolutionary movement. Speedier public trials for
Hosni Mubarak and the high officials of his regime
accused of corruption and purifying the Ministry of
Interior, which commands the police and other security
services, are high on the list. The banner also demands
a jobs program for youth - unemployment is especially
high in Suez - and a national minimum and maximum wage.
The later demand has been adopted by those continuing
to occupy Tahrir Square.

In addition to SCAF's reluctance, there are many
obstacles to fulfilling the revolutionaries'
aspirations for social justice. Personnel, practices,
attitudes, and institutions of the old regime are
entrenched throughout the country.

For instance, a manager at the Suez Maritime Arsenal,
one of the subsidiary companies of the Suez Canal
Authority, coordinated with military intelligence and
then imposed his presence on an interview with a
striking worker on July 11 (1,200 workers of the
Maritime Arsenal are currently on strike). The same
manager reported to military intelligence that he and
others had intervened in the Arbain Square sit-in on
July 8 to force those occupying the square to retract a
"stupid" statement they had made. (One journalist
shared with me his inadvertent recording of the
conversation between the manager and a military
intelligence officer.)

On June 7, one hundred women formerly employed at the
Mansura-España textile firm tried to collect their
monthly wages for April, ranging from £E 250-300 (about
$42-50), from the United Bank offices in Mansura. In
2008 Mansura-España, a private-sector firm established
in the 1980s in the Nile Delta town of Talkha, across
the river from Mansura, went bankrupt. United Bank, its
largest creditor, acquired most of its shares. In
November 2010, the bank sold its interest in the firm
without paying legally required severance compensation
to the workers remaining on the payroll.

Among the workers seeking their salaries was Mariam
Hawas, a 44-year-old mother of three. United Bank
employees refused to pay the women, taunted them, and
told them, "Go and block traffic in the streets if you
want your rights." So they did.

A traffic policeman urged one truck driver who could
not move his vehicle through the ensuing traffic jam,
"Run them over. The blood money for each one is £E 50
(about $8)." The truck ran into Mariam Hawas and
another woman, Samah Isa. Mariam died on the way to the
hospital and Samah was badly injured.

Neither has yet received any compensation. The truck
driver who ran into the two women has been charged with
causing wrongful death and injury. But he was released
without bail, an indication that he may be treated
leniently if he can be located at all when the trial
begins in late July. The traffic policeman has not been
found.

Ten days after Mariam Hawas died United Bank paid
severance packages to Mansura-España workers at the
rate of 2  months' salary for every year of
employment. The total cost to the bank was $62,000.

The lives of Egyptian working people are still cheap in
the eyes of a great many policemen, government
officials, and managers of firms in both the private
and public sectors. What has changed, and this is the
most important gain of the revolutionary movement, is
that workers no longer accept this.

Recovering in the hospital, Samah Isa asked, "How can a
life be worth 50 pounds? I don't see a future until I
get my rights. That's what I want."

Joel Beinin is the Donald J. McLachlan Professor of
History and Professor of Middle Eastern History at
Stanford University. His latest books are The Struggle
for Worker Rights in Egypt (Solidarity Center 2010) and
Social Movements, Mobilization, and Contestation in the
Middle East and North Africa (Stanford University
Press, 2011); co-edited with Frédéric Vairel.

___________________________________________

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