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PORTSIDE  October 2010, Week 2

PORTSIDE October 2010, Week 2

Subject:

Eric Foner on the Perennial Relevance of Abraham Lincoln

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Eric Foner on the Perennial Relevance of Abraham
Lincoln 

By Aaron Leonard 

Aaron Leonard is a writer and freelance journalist and
regular contributor to the History News Network.

http://www.hnn.us/articles/132081.html

Historian Eric Foner has just published The Fiery
Trial: Abraham Lincoln and American Slavery (W.W.
Norton),in which he explores Lincoln's role in the
ending of slavery in the United States. The book is not
just a recapitulation of the massive record of Lincoln
and slavery but, in characteristic Foner style, recasts
the scope for assessing this vital part of history. In
early September I met with Professor Foner in his
office at Columbia University to discuss the book.

_______________

Aaron Leonard: Lincoln did not enter the Civil War as
someone who wanted to abolish slavery, yet he ended up
doing just that. One gets a sense in this book of very
large forces framing the choices people like Lincoln
had. What were the larger economic and political forces
pushing at the United States in the mid-nineteenth
century?

Eric Foner: As they say in academic lingo, the
destruction of slavery was over-determined. In other
words there were numerous forces pushing in that
direction. You can start with Lincoln himself. You're
right that Lincoln comes into office not expecting to
be the Great Emancipator. Nonetheless, he was deeply
antislavery and had spoken many times before the Civil
War of the ultimate extinction of slavery. He had
refused in the secession crisis to compromise on the
issue of the westward expansion of slavery even though
that might have possibly avoided war.

Lincoln was committed to some future abolition of
slavery, although he was not an abolitionist, he was
not an immediatist. A different man might have
responded differently to the pressures that were
brought to bear on Lincoln.

Those pressures start from the beginning of the war.
They start with the abolitionists, they start with
radical Republicans in Congress. They start with slaves
who begin to run away from plantations and force the
question upon the Union Army and Union government. What
is going to be their status? By military failure-by
1862 the failure of winning the war as a conventional
war as army against army-strengthens the hand of those
who are saying we must attack the infrastructure of
Southern society, which is slavery. [And the North also
needs] more soldiers. Lincoln begins to think of the
black manpower that can be brought into the army. [So]
there are many factors leading up to the decision for
emancipation. No single one is absolutely
determinative. I think the greatness of Lincoln was his
ability to see what the logic of the situation is and
to abandon positions and policies when they weren't
working.

Leonard: What about free labor? The North is
industrializing, the South is locked into this agrarian
society...

Foner: My first book, (of forty years ago!) was called
Free Soil, Free Labor, Free Man and I wrote there about
this free labor ideology which Lincoln both believed
deeply in and, in a way, exemplified. The idea that
Northern society, a society based on free labor rather
than slave, offered remarkable opportunities to people
of humble origins like Lincoln himself, remarkable
opportunities to improve your condition in life.
Lincoln was a modernizer, so to speak. He believed in
economic development. As a Whig before the war he
favored what we would call infrastructure spending,
government appropriation for canals, railroads, river
and harbor improvements, and a tariff to protect
industry. He believed in this market revolution that
was sweeping across Northern society. He himself
benefited from it in his own life. You're absolutely
right, Lincoln sees slavery in some ways as a theft of
labor. A slave is a laborer who is being denied the
fruits of his labor, he says that in his second
inaugural... "two hundred and fifty years of unrequited
toil"-stolen labor. That's one of the key differences
between free and slave society to Lincoln. The
opportunity offered to everybody. Whatever his racial
views, which are not totally modern and egalitarian in
many ways, he believes blacks should have this natural
right to improve their condition in life and slavery
denies that to them.

Leonard: You write, "John Sherman, the moderate from
Ohio, told the Senate that while he respected `the
rights of the Southern people,' it had become
imperative to confiscate the slave and other property
of `the disloyal' and mobilize the full power off the
nation to `enter into the war in earnest.'" It occurred
to me in reading this that the South was caught in a
paradox, the more they succeeded on the battlefield,
the greater the compulsion was for this war to lead to
their absolute undoing. Is that accurate?

Foner: That's a good point. If the war had ended in
three months, as many people thought it would, [after]
one big battle [with] the rebels [running] away or
something like that, slavery would have remained
intact, no question about it. It is the persistence of
the war, the failure of the military methods of the
first year of the war to achieve victory, that pushes
people like Sherman, who is a very moderate guy [with
regards to slavery]-not an abolitionist at all. When he
says we must fight in earnest-this is in 1862-he's
reflecting a growing dissatisfaction [in] the North
with the failure to achieve military victory and a
feeling the Lincoln administration is being too
reluctant to attack slavery. When a man like Sherman
says this, and Lincoln realizes this, it indicates a
seismic shift in Northern public opinion. It's not
Wendell Phillips, it's not Frederick Douglas
[abolitionists], it's an absolute mainstream moderate
Republican. Lincoln talking about abolishing slavery
and confiscating property of the rebels is a sign that
further action is going to be demanded by the Northern
public.

Leonard: I didn't realize this issue of colonization
was so hotly debated at the time, yet today it seems
written out of history. What was colonization and why
did the idea disappear?

Foner: Colonization was the idea that once slavery
ended African-Americans should be encouraged-or
required, in some people's view-required to leave the
country. It's part of an attitude toward the abolition
of slavery which says America should not be a slave
society, but it can never be a multiracial society. You
can never have free black and white people living
together. Thomas Jefferson says this. Henry Clay says
this. This is not a fringe idea. This is a mainstream
idea in the political system of the fifty-odd years
before the Civil War. Lincoln adheres to colonization
at least from 1852, where he delivers his eulogy on
Henry Clay, and he endorses Clay's colonization all the
way up through the middle of the Civil War. Lincoln is
a member of the Board of Managers of the Illinois
Colonization Society in 1858 when he's running for the
Senate against [Stephen] Douglas.

I think unfortunately this has been written out of
history, and it has been written out of Lincoln's
biography in many cases-not all, but many. You pick up
very well-known books on Lincoln [and] you will find
almost no reference to his long-term belief in
colonization. Why? Because it doesn't fit the image of
the Great Emancipator. It doesn't fit the retrospective
view we want to have of Lincoln as the man who was the
moralist in politics, who came into office committed to
ending slavery and waited to sign this document. I
admire Lincoln enormously and I think what's
interesting about Lincoln is how he changes, it's not
that he held the same view throughout his life. By the
end of his life he's abandoned this view of
colonization. He's accepted America as a biracial
society. He's talking about giving at least some black
men the right to vote. In the Emancipation Proclamation
he advises some blacks to labor faithfully for
reasonable wages, here in the United States. He doesn't
say anything about them leaving the country. He puts
black men in the army. That is a whole different vision
than simply saying "let's have them go out of the
country." I think what's interesting is the change in
Lincoln's view, but one must realize that he did adhere
to this idea of colonization for many years.

Leonard: A lot of people's senses of Lincoln are frozen
on a certain quote or moment. Your book tells a
different story, that of someone who was intellectually
curious and open to rethinking his own views-in
striking contrast to what you see in the U.S. political
realm today. Who was Lincoln vis-à-vis slavery in the
1840s and who was Lincoln just before his
assassination?

Foner: When Lincoln died he was a very different man
intellectually, politically, even emotionally, than he
was at an earlier time in his career. It's not that
surprising, I suppose, given the monumental crisis he
and the nation had gone through. In the 1840s Lincoln
was a member of the Whig party. He hated slavery. There
is absolutely no question in my mind that Lincoln hated
slavery, but it was not a priority to him at that time.
He was certainly not an abolitionist. He was opposed to
the westward expansion of slavery, but he saw no way
within the national political system that a politician
like himself could actually do anything about slavery.
It was a state institution. The Constitution did not
give Congress any power over slavery in the states
where it existed. Moreover, he saw it as a disruptive
issue. He saw it as a threat to the stability of the
Union.

By the 1850s he's changed. This issue of the westward
expansion of slavery has now become the number one
question in American politics and he now sees the
expansion of slavery as the disruptive question
threatening the Union. He comes to the position in
eloquent, brilliant speeches that the nation must
resolve to stop the expansion of slavery and to place
slavery in what he called on the course of ultimate
extinction. How you get there, he didn't know. No one
knew in the 1850s. But he has this vision of America
one day being free of slavery.

During the Civil War he has to act on slavery, not just
talk about it. He moves quite rapidly, I think, toward
realizing that slavery must become a target of the war
effort. Within six or seven months [after] beginning of
the war he's talking to Delaware about a plan for
gradual emancipation. There was no reason he had to do
that, the war had hardly any battles at that time, but
he wants to get this movement going toward what he
calls gradual compensated emancipation. He proposes
this to the border states in 1862. But he's constantly,
always, rethinking. And of course we get the
Emancipation Proclamation (which is a long story) and
after that he accepts the logic of it. Again, he is not
a member of the abolitionist movement at all. But
there's a logic to the Emancipation Proclamation and
putting black men in the army. That logic is that black
people are going to become citizens of the United
States and Lincoln accepts that. By the end of his life
he's talking about at least some black men, especially
the former soldiers, having the right to vote in a
reconstructed South. So he's moved a long, long way
from his earlier point of view.

Leonard: Lincoln seemed to have a particularly
contentious, yet important relationship with the
abolitionists. I was just looking back at the section
of your book where he meets with a delegation of black
men and effectively says "look, if it hadn't been for
your race we wouldn't be in this war." To which
Frederick Douglas later responded, "we didn't cause the
war, slavery did." To what degree did the abolitionist
contribute to Lincoln becoming the person we know
today?

Foner: Lincoln's relationship to the abolitionists and
the radical Republicans-who you might say are the
abolitionists in politics and people like Garrison,
Phillips and Douglas, the people outside the realm of
party politics pretty much-is very controversial and
very complicated and I think many historians have not
quite fathomed it properly. There are those who view
the abolitionists as just maniacs, apolitical fanatics
who helped to cause the war, and Lincoln is the model
of responsible statesmanship. I think that is a
misconception, the idea that Lincoln knows what's
possible and the abolitionists don't. In a democratic
society, as Max Weber said, what is possible is only
possible because some people have demanded the
impossible. In other words the abolitionists helped to
create a public discourse in which men like Lincoln
become possible. That doesn't mean Lincoln is an
abolitionist. It means there is a public opinion out
there which is being influenced by antislavery
sentiment. Lincoln sees himself as being part of a
broader antislavery enterprise, which includes
abolitionists as well as many more conservative people.
Once he talked about Wilberforce and Sharp, the leaders
of the movement to abolish the slave trade in Britain,
and he said "who today remembers those who opposed
them?" That was the in the 1790s. In other words
Lincoln, an ambitious man, sees the antislavery
movement as a long struggle which he is part of and
that is how you make your mark on history. Who will
remember the proslavery people, asks Lincoln? Nobody.

Lincoln listens to abolitionists, he meets with them
during the war, he listens to conservatives, too. It's
not that he is just taking action because they tell him
to. He listens to the logic of their arguments. Every
single measure that we associate with Lincoln during
the war-immediate abolition, enrolling black troops in
the Union Army, a constitutional amendment abolishing
slavery, giving some black men the right to vote-was
first put forward by abolitionists, and Lincoln did not
favor them, but he came to that position. It's this
open mindedness, this willingness to listen to
criticism and to rethink when your current policies are
not working that gives abolitionists an influence on
Lincoln. It's not that he's an abolitionist, but he is
open to being influenced by abolitionist ideas and
sensibilities.

Leonard: What was the effect on the Emancipation
Proclamation on the war, particularly on the enlistment
of black troops have on the Union cause?

Foner: Karl Marx, who was writing for the New York
Tribune from around that time in London, said with the
Emancipation Proclamation "the constitutional war is
over. The revolutionary war has now begun." In other
words, the war had changed from one of army against
army to a war to fundamentally transform Southern
society. Slavery was the foundation of Southern
society.

If you are going to abolish slavery, that opens up all
these other questions: what system of labor is going to
replace slave labor? What system of race relations is
going to replace the race relations of slavery? Who is
going to have power in the post-war South? The
Emancipation Proclamation doesn't answer that question,
but it throws [it] open.

As we all know, it did not free all the slaves. There
are people who say it freed hardly any slaves on the
day it was issued, but it made the Union Army
henceforth an agent of emancipation. Wherever the Union
Army went, it was now part of its task to guarantee the
freedom of these slaves.

In addition, it announced the enrollment of black men
in the Union Army. There'd been some small experiments
before that, but the massive enrollment of black men in
the Union Army began because of the Emancipation
Proclamation.

It really transforms the character of the Civil War in
fundamental ways. It is really the turning point of the
war, and Lincoln understands that. Whenever you think
of Lincoln as a historian, in his own mind, he becomes
the Great Emancipator. This is his role in history
henceforth. He was an ambitious man who wanted to make
an impact on history, and this is how he did it.

Leonard: Why is the role of someone like Abraham
Lincoln important to understand today?

Foner: I don't [even] know the number of books on
Abraham Lincoln. Ten thousand, twelve thousand? I have
seen various numbers. It seems like every generation is
always trying to come to terms with Lincoln. Lincoln is
such an iconic figure in American history. He seems to
reflect so many elements of American culture that we
consider essential, whether it's the self-made man, the
frontier hero, the politician who tries to act in a
moral way as well as in a political way, Honest Abe.
His career raises these questions that are still with
us, the power of the federal government vis-à-vis the
states, the question of race in American life, can we
be a society of equals? There are so many issues
central to Lincoln's career that are still part of our
society one hundred and fifty years later. In some ways
people feel Lincoln is our contemporary. Obviously he's
not, it's pointless to ask something like "what would
Lincoln have thought of abortion rights?" That is
obviously not a historic question. We look to Lincoln
when thinking of ways our society has dealt with these
perennial issues to our national existence.

_____________________________________________

Portside aims to provide material of interest
to people on the left that will help them to
interpret the world and to change it.

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