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PORTSIDE  August 2010, Week 1

PORTSIDE August 2010, Week 1

Subject:

Too Big Not To Organize

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Date:

Mon, 2 Aug 2010 21:36:01 -0400

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Too Big Not To Organize 
An international coalition of unions, led by SEIU,
tries to unionize capitalism's core: the banks.

By Mike Elk	July 29, 2010

In These Times

This article is permanently archived at:
http://www.inthesetimes.com/main/article/6273/ 

BOSTON--Through the blare of screeching feedback from
portable translation headsets and microphones,
unionized bank workers from Brazil, England, Chile,
Germany, and Uruguay are encouraging American workers
to undertake an unprecedented campaign against a common
enemy: Grupo Santander, the global banking giant which
last year took control of Sovereign Bank.

The largest bank in the Euro-zone, where it is based,
Santander is the world's eighth largest banking company
by market capitalization. While the company is very
good at generating profits around the world (it's the
world's fourth largest bank by profits), this
international meeting is focusing on something else:
how the bank's new U.S. branches might become as
unionized as branches in Europe and Latin America.

Santander bank branches are on average 75-percent
unionized outside the United States, according to UNI
Global Union Finance Director Oliver Roethig because
most other industrialized nations have unionized
banking sectors. In the United States, however, less
than 1 percent of all front-office bank workers are
organized. In fact, the unionized janitors working for
contractors that clean Sovereign Bank's headquarters in
Boston, Mass., often make more than the bank tellers
and personal bankers, whose average wage is $10-$12
dollars per hour, despite individually producing
millions of dollars in profits for the bank each year.

But the financial sector, at the center of the U.S.
economy, has never been unionized. The international
workers and local leaders of the Service Employees
International Union (SEIU) and Communication Workers of
America (CWA) gathered in July to use the clout of
global union federations like the UNI Global Union to
give labor a foothold in Santander's Sovereign
operations, and potentially organize the industry from
there. If Santander employees are heavily unionized
overseas, and corporate profits are so robust, then why
shouldn't American workers also join a union? 

Bank reform from the inside

Santander has already responded to the organizing
campaign, labor activists say, firing three Boston
Sovereign workers in June for organizing
activities--Steve Crowley, Janice DeJusi and Gary
Rozenas. Crowley, who had worked at Sovereign for 30
years, was honored by the bank this spring for being a
top seller, but was fired a week after signing a letter
about office problems following Santander's acquisition
of the bank. DeJusi and Rozenas were fired after
talking to colleagues about forming a union, according
to Andy Kerr of CWA.

Santander has denied discriminating against employees
for union activity, saying Sovereign Bank adheres to
all U.S. labor laws. A Sovereign spokesperson did not
respond to requests for comment on union-busting
allegations.

When Santander acquired Sovereign, it immediately laid
off 23 percent of its new subsidiary's workers. The
company cut pay, slashed hours and doubled the cost of
healthcare for workers. Sovereign workers knew they had
to do something, so they approached SEIU last spring to
help them organize.

But why would SEIU, which has risen to prominence
during the last 25 years in part by organizing
janitors, be interested in organizing bank workers?

"Well, it started out in the 1980s; we would organize a
building [where janitors worked]... and find out that
the management firm that owned the building was really
owned by a pension fund, which was owned by an
investment firm, which was ultimately owned by a bank,"
says Stephen Lerner, the brainchild of SEIU's Justice
for Janitors campaign and now director of SEIU's
Banking and Finance Campaign. "This began a thirty-year
process in which we began to discover how much power
the big banks have."

The theory is that if workers gain some control over
the banks through the power of unions and the ability
to strike, they could have a chokehold on one of the
economy's key sectors. "Our members are facing layoffs
as a result of the economic crisis caused by the
banks," says Lerner. They "are screaming out to do
something against the banks...scamming them with
outrageous bank fees and sub-prime loans."

The large corporations at the center of the subprime
mortgage meltdown, such as Countrywide, often based pay
for personal bankers on selling risky products. "The
more money I sold you and the higher the rate, the more
money I made," said Donna Feener, a former Bank of
America employee who worked in the company's credit
card balance transfer department. "The more outrageous
fees and the higher interest loans they can sign you up
for, the more workers who have a base salary of only
about $10 an hour make."

The Credit Card, Accountability, Responsibility, and
Disclosure (CARD) Act, signed into law last year,
banned banks from automatically enrolling people into
accounts with overdrafts fees, which make the bank
industry $38 billion a year, according to the Financial
Times. Many workers now feel pressure to meet strict
quotas for signing people up for accounts with high
overdraft fees.

To meet her quotas, former Bank of America worker Nancy
Sorto would often go to public places to sign people up
for checking accounts. "I would have to work ten or
twelve hours a day trying to meet these goals, but I
would only be paid for eight," Sorto said.

"The real irony is that the workers who do customer
service that actually tries to help people in banks are
treated the worst, while the bankers on Wall Street who
do things that hurt people are paid huge bonuses,"
Greater Boston Labor Council President Louis Mandarini
said at a community meeting in Boston to gather support
for organizing bank workers this July. Indeed, for just
3.6 percent of the cost of the bonuses paid to Wall
Street executives, the salaries of America's nearly
550,000 bank tellers in the country could be increased
by $2 an hour, and fully employer paid health insurance
could be provided to all of them.

Labor activists believe that if bank workers could join
a union, workers would have more power in reshaping the
way banks treat consumers. And that could prevent the
proliferation of risky lending practices, which
triggered the current crisis.

"By demonstrating the interrelationship between
deregulation of the banks, banks' abuse of their own
workers and consumers, and the subsequent crash of the
economy," Lerner argued in a recent New Labor Forum
article, "we can develop a campaign that captures the
imagination of an angry public, challenges the power of
Wall Street and leads to substantive fixes for the
American economy." A global response to a global
industry

Lerner is considered one of the whiz kids of the labor
movement, but the idea of organizing the banking sector
was not his own. The impetus came from the Brazilian
Bank Workers Union, CONTRAF, which has a large presence
within Santander. (The bulk of the company's Latin
American operations are in Brazil.) Eighty percent of
Brazilian bank workers are organized, and they work six
hour days and enjoy 30 days of vacation a year.

Brazilian workers are so powerful, in fact, that
Brazilian President Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva tapped
union leader Paulo Bernardo Silva to be the head of the
country's Ministry of Planning. This is the equivalent
of President Barack Obama replacing National Economic
Council Director Larry Summers with AFL-CIO President
Richard Trumka. As the U.S. labor movement struggles
just to confirm labor lawyers to the National Labor
Relations Board, that's something unionists here can
only dream about.

But CONTRAF workers' power is now threatened. As bank
managers are transferred to Santander operations
outside of global finance capitals (New York, London),
they are taking practices learned there with them.
Santander managers are now trying to force employees
outside of the United States in both Europe and Latin
America to adopt a quota system in which pay is linked
to a worker's ability to sell sub-prime products with
hidden fees.

"For the last 10 years, workers have been coming to
these international labor conferences and insisting
that we organize bank workers in the U.S. because they
are so threatened by U.S. practices," Lerner explains.
"It's perhaps the first time in the history of the U.S.
labor movement where foreign unions have been the
driving force behind launching an organizing drive of
this nature in the U.S."

Labor's ability to organize bank workers isn't just
crucial to changing the economy, it's crucial to
reviving a labor movement whose private sector
membership has fallen below 8 percent. With the
popularity of U.S. unions at a 70-year low--a Pew
survey this year showed that unions had a favorability
rating of 41 percent, down dramatically from 58 percent
in 2007--and with the left and right still anger at
bailed-out banks, Lerner believes the labor movement
could find widespread support for organizing bank
workers to fight unfair practices. It's certainly
possible: The U.S. labor movement has seen its greatest
gains--the obvious example being the 1930s--when
organizing was done in concert with mass social
movements.

"We are protesting outside of banks nearly every week,
[and] we would love to picket for workers rights," said
one person attending the Boston meeting in July.
There's a way, but is there a will?

The problem is that bank branches are difficult to
organize. Although it might seem an unlikely
comparison, the situation is analogous to that of
another economic mover and shaker--Wal-Mart. Like the
retail giant, large banks can easily shut down branches
and move them down the road if workers vote to
unionize.

In order to organize the banking industry, SEIU would
have to make some sort of organizing agreement with
Santander. But thus far, company officials have refused
to even meet with UNI Global Union, which represents
237 trade unions and 3 million workers in the finance
sector worldwide, to discuss ensuring free and fair
union elections in the Boston-area branches of
Sovereign Bank.

But Sovereign workers have more leverage against their
bank than Wal-Mart workers do against their company.
Boston City Councilman Felix Arroyo, a former SEIU
political director, is currently working on a
resolution that would threaten to move tens of millions
of Boston city government money out of Sovereign Bank
if the company doesn't agree to allow workers to hold a
free and fair union election. The workers have even won
the support of powerful Boston area congressman Barney
Frank, who vowed in July of this year to use whatever
power he can as chairman of the House Financial
Services Committee to force banks to allow elections.

Given that big banks faced a tidal wave of public
outcry over bonuses last year and still did as they
pleased, it's important to remember that the workers
have beaten the banks before. The post-bailout
financial reform movement was in part launched when
workers at Chicago-based Republic Windows and Doors
occupied their plant in December 2008 to protest Bank
of America's role in closing their factory without
notice.

"Among the many lessons of the Republic occupation was
that in order to beat the banks you needed three
things: a good case, political support, and workers
willing to take bold action," says Chris Townsend, of
the United Electrical workers union, to which Republic
workers belonged. "The banks came to the table when the
entire world could see that the union was going to do
whatever it took to win, pay whatever price, for as
long as it would take."

Former CWA staffer and labor journalist Steve Early
believes unions have sabotaged some of their own
campaigns because they suffer from what he terms
"organizational attention deficit disorder." "You can't
develop new forms of organizing with any real potential
for overcoming corporate opposition...if you constantly
flit from project to project," Early says. "These
efforts require a long-term commitment that few unions
are willing to make, even when dealing with a strategic
multinational target that's not going away."

So the crucial question is: Will SEIU be willing to pay
whatever price necessary to organize bank workers?

In the post-Andy Stern-era of SEIU, the union is
showing a new willingness to work with other unions and
community groups. CWA organizers (which is not part of
Change to Win, the breakaway labor federation Andy
Stern spearheaded five years ago) say they were
surprised to be invited this summer into the bank
workers campaign by SEIU so early. (The campaign began
this spring.)

But most promising is SEIU's decision to allow foreign
unionists to be a driving force behind an American
organizing drive. The Boston bank workers campaign is
still in its infancy, but Brazilian trade unionist
delegations have already made two trips to Boston, in
May and July of 2010, to encourage Sovereign workers. I
accompanied Brazilians as they entered bank branches
and asked employees to attend organizing meetings. "We
are willing to make as many trips to Boston as they
need to and do whatever it takes to help organize
workers," CONTRAF President Carlos Cordeiro says.

Ironically, the very same Latin American trade union
movements that suffered as a result of pro-Cold War
policies of the American labor movement are now coming
to the rescue of the American labor movement. Securing
free and fair union elections in U.S. banks will depend
in large part on the ability of bank unions overseas to
extract international enforceable organizing agreements
from companies like Santander.

With the help of Santander employees already organized
overseas, bank workers in Boston just might just be
able to form a union--and suggest a way to revitalize a
U.S. labor movement now barely present in the private
sector. Lerner summarizes the challenge ahead: "We need
to be committed to figuring out how we organize whole
sectors. The starting point is to organize the banking
sector, to...look at the most important part of the
economy."

Put simply, the banks are too big not to unionize.

Mike Elk is a third-generation union organizer who has
worked for the United Electrical, Radio, and Machine
Workers, the Campaign for America's Future, and the
Obama-Biden campaign. He has appeared as a commentator
on CNN, Fox News, and NPR, and writes frequently for In
These Times, Huffington Post, Alternet, and Truthout.

_____________________________________________

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to people on the left that will help them to
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