July 2018, Week 4


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 		 [Trump stole the headlines, but the recent NATO summit declaration
suggests the odds of an unnecessary conflict are rising. NATOs
expansion eastward to Russias borders has added to the risk. ]



 Conn Hallinan 
 July 27, 2018
Foreign Policy in Focus

	* [https://portside.org/node/17774/printable/print]

 _ Trump stole the headlines, but the recent NATO summit declaration
suggests the odds of an unnecessary conflict are rising. NATO's
expansion eastward to Russia's borders has added to the risk. _ 

 Opening ceremonies at the 2018 NATO summit in Brussels , Shutterstock
/ Foreign Policy in Focus 


The outcome of the July 11-12 NATO meeting in Brussels got lost amid
the media’s obsession with President Donald Trump’s bombast, but
the “Summit Declaration”
[https://www.nato.int/cps/en/natohq/official_texts_156624.htm] makes
for sober reading. The media
[https://www.nytimes.com/2018/07/11/world/europe/trump-nato-summit.html?login=email&auth=login-email] reported
that the 28-page document “upgraded military readiness,” and was
“harshly critical of Russia,” but there wasn’t much detail
beyond that.

But details matter, because that’s where the devil hides.

One such detail is NATO’s “Readiness Initiative” that will beef
up naval, air, and ground forces in “the eastern portion of the
Alliance.” NATO is moving to base troops in Latvia, Estonia,
Lithuania, the Czech Republic, and Poland. Since Georgia and Ukraine
have been invited to join the Alliance, some of those forces could end
up deployed on Moscow’s western and southern borders.

And that should give us pause.

A recent European Leadership’s Network’s (ELN) study
[https://www.europeanleadershipnetwork.org/wp-content/uploads/2018/04/26042018-Deterrence-Russia-NATO-Thomas-Frear-Lukasz-Kulesa-Denitsa-Raynova.pdf] titled
“Envisioning a Russia-NATO Conflict” concludes, “The current
Russia-NATO deterrence relationship is unstable and dangerously so.”
The ELN is an independent think tank of military, diplomatic, and
political leaders that fosters “collaborative” solutions to
defense and security issues.

High on the study’s list of dangers is “inadvertent conflict,”
which ELN concludes “may be the most likely scenario for a
breakout” of hostilities. “The close proximity of Russian and NATO
forces” is a major concern, argues the study, “but also the fact
that Russia and NATO have been adapting their military postures
towards early reaction, thus making rapid escalation more likely to

With armed forces nose-to-nose, “a passage from crisis to conflict
might be sparked by the actions of regional commanders or military
commanders at local levels or come as a consequence of an unexpected
incident or accident.” According to the European Leadership Council,
there have been more than 60 such incidents
[https://www.counterpunch.org/2016/05/04/baiting-the-bear-russia-and-nato/] in
the last year.


The NATO document is, indeed, hard on Russia, which it blasts for the
“illegal and illegitimate annexation of Crimea,” its
“provocative military activities, including near NATO borders,”
and its “significant investments in the modernization of its
strategic [nuclear] forces.”

Unpacking all that requires a little history, which isn’t the
media’s strong suit.

The story goes back more than three decades to the fall of the Berlin
Wall and eventual re-unification of Germany. At the time, the Soviet
Union had some 380,000 troops in what was then the German Democratic
Republic, or East Germany. Those forces were there as part of the
treaty ending World War II, and the Soviets were concerned that
removing them could end up threatening the USSR’s borders. The
Russians have been invaded — at terrible cost — three times in a
little more than a century.

So in the early 1990s, West German Chancellor Helmut Kohl, U.S.
Secretary of State James Baker, and Soviet Premier Mikhail Gorbachev
cut a deal. The Soviets agreed to withdraw troops from Eastern Europe
as long as NATO didn’t fill the vacuum, or recruit members of the
Soviet-dominated Warsaw Pact. Baker promised Gorbachev that NATO would
not move “one inch east.”

The agreement was never written down, but it was followed in practice.
NATO stayed west of the Oder and Neisse rivers separating Germany and
Poland, and Soviet troops returned to Russia. The Warsaw Pact was
dissolved in 1991.

But President Bill Clinton blew that all up in 1999, when the U.S. and
NATO intervened in the civil war between Serbs and Albanians over the
Serbian province of Kosovo. Behind the new American doctrine of
“responsibility to protect,” NATO opened a massive 11-week bombing
campaign against Serbia.

From Moscow’s point of view, the war was unnecessary. The Serbs were
willing to withdraw their troops and restore Kosovo’s autonomous
status. But NATO demanded
[https://www.counterpunch.org/2016/05/04/baiting-the-bear-russia-and-nato/] a
large occupation force that would be immune from Serbian law,
something the nationalist-minded Serbs would never agree to. It was
virtually the same provocative language the Austrian-Hungarian Empire
had presented to the Serbs in 1914, language that set off World War I.

In the end, NATO lopped off part of Serbia to create Kosovo and
re-drew the post World War II map of Europe, exactly what the Alliance
charges today that Russia has done with its seizure of the Crimea.

But NATO didn’t stop there. In 1999, the Alliance recruited former
Warsaw Pact members Hungary, Poland, and the Czech Republic, adding
Bulgaria and Romania four years later. By the end of 2004, Moscow was
confronted with NATO in Latvia, Lithuania, and Estonia to the north,
Poland to the west, and Bulgaria and Turkey to the south. Since then,
the Alliance has added Slovakia, Slovenia, Albania, Croatia, and
Montenegro. It has invited Georgia, Ukraine, Macedonia
and Bosnia and Herzegovina to apply as well.

When the NATO document chastises Russia for “provocative” military
activities near the NATO border, it is referring to maneuvers within
Russia’s own borders, or one of its few allies, Belarus.

As author and foreign policy analyst Anatol Lieven
[https://fpif.org/bush-era-foreign-policy-delusions-are-alive-and-well-in-2017/] points
out, “Even a child” can look at a 1988 map of Europe and see
“which side has advanced in which direction.”

NATO also accuses Russia of “continuing a military buildup in
Crimea,” without a hint that those actions might be in response to
what the Alliance document calls its “substantial increase in
NATO’s presence and maritime activity in the Black Sea.”
Russia’s largest naval port on the Black Sea is Sevastopol in the


One does not expect even-handedness in such a document, but there are
disconnects in this one that are worrisome.

Yes, the Russians are modernizing their nuclear forces, but the Obama
administration was first out of that gate in 2009 with its $1.5
trillion program to upgrade the U.S.’s nuclear weapons systems. Both
programs are a bad idea.

Some of the document’s language about Russia is aimed at loosening
purse strings at home. NATO members agreed to cough up more money, a
decision that preceded Trump’s Brussels tantrum on spending.

There is some wishful thinking on Afghanistan — “Our Resolute
Support Mission is achieving success” — when in fact things have
seldom been worse. There are vague references to the Middle East and
North Africa, nothing specific, but a reminder that NATO is no longer
confining its mission to what it was supposedly set up to do: Keep the
Americans in, the Russians out, and the Germans down.

The Americans are still in — one should take Trump’s threat of
withdrawal with a boulder-sized piece of salt — there is no serious
evidence the Russians ever planned to come in, and the Germans have
been up since they joined NATO in 1955. Indeed, it was the addition of
Germany that sparked the formation of the Warsaw Pact.

While Moscow is depicted as an aggressive adversary, NATO surrounds
Russia on three sides, has deployed anti-missile systems in Poland,
Romania, Spain, Turkey, and the Black Sea, and has a 12 to 1 advantage
in military spending. With opposing forces now toe-to-toe, it would
not take much to set off a chain reaction that could end in a nuclear

Yet instead of inviting a dialogue, the document boasts that the
Alliance has “suspended all practical civilian and military
cooperation between NATO and Russia.”

The solution seems obvious.

First, a return to the 1998 military deployment. While it is unlikely
that former members of the Warsaw Pact would drop their NATO
membership, a withdrawal of non-national troops from NATO members that
border Russia would cool things off. Second, the removal of
anti-missile systems that should never have been deployed in the first

In turn, Russia could remove the middle-range Iskander missiles NATO
is complaining about and agree to talks aimed at reducing nuclear

But long range, it’s finally time to re-think alliances. NATO was a
child of the Cold War, when the West believed that the Soviets were a
threat. But Russia today is not the Soviet Union, and there’s no way
Moscow would be stupid enough to attack a superior military force.

The old ways of thinking are not only outdated, but also dangerous.
It’s time NATO went the way of the Warsaw Pact.

_Conn Hallinan [https://fpif.org/authors/conn-hallinan/] is a
columnist for Foreign Policy In Focus. He can be read at
dispatchesfromtheedgeblog.wordpress.com and

	* [https://portside.org/node/17774/printable/print]







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