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PORTSIDE  April 2012, Week 3

PORTSIDE April 2012, Week 3

Subject:

What it Means to be an Anti-Racist Feminist in the 21st Century

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What it Means to be an Anti-Racist Feminist in the 21st
Century

A Collective Response to "To Be Anti-Racist is to Be
Feminist: The Hoodie and Hijab are Not the Same"

by Jadaliyya Reports

Jadaliyya

April 15, 2012

http://www.jadaliyya.com/pages/index/5064/a-collective-response-to-to-be-anti-racist-is-to-b

[The following statement was issued by a group of feminist
writers, activists, and academics in response to a recently
published article, entitled "To Be Anti-Racist Is to Be
Feminist: The Hoodie and the Hijab Are Not Equals." It was
originally published on The Feminist Wire, the publication
that featured the original article. To sign on to this
statement, please email [log in to unmask] with your full
name and institutional affiliation.]

To our friends and allies at The Feminist Wire:

It is with loving concern with which we, the undersigned
feminist writers, activists and academics from diverse
racial, religious, economic, and political backgrounds,
write to this brilliant collective today.

An article recently published on The Feminist Wire's website
and circulated via its facebook page has prompted this note.
In her article, "To Be Anti-Racist Is To Be Feminist: The
Hoodie and the Hijab Are Not Equals," Adele Wilde-Blavatsky
attempts to address the important question of what it means
to be an anti-racist feminist in the 21st century. Her
article, however, serves to assert white feminist privilege
and power by producing a reductive understanding of racial
and gendered violence and by denying Muslim women their
agency.

In her article, Wilde-Blavatsky takes "issue with ... the
equating of the hoodie and the hijab as sources of ethnic
identity." Oblivious to the important cross-racial and
cross-ethnic connections and solidarities made in light of
the tragic murders of Trayvon Martin and Shaima Alawadi, the
author contends that the hoodie and the hijab cannot be
compared because "the history and origin of these two items
of clothing and what they represent could not be more
different." For her, Trayvon Martin's hoodie signifies a
history of racism, whereas Shaima Alawadi's hijab signifies
only male domination and female oppression. Revealing her
own biases, Wilde-Blavatsky writes, "The hijab, which is
discriminatory and rooted in men's desire to control women's
appearance and sexuality, is not a choice for the majority
of women who wear it. The hoodie, on the other hand, is a
choice for everyone who wears it" (emphasis in original).

As readers on The Feminist Wire facebook page and website
began to object to the piece, a respondent posting as "The
Feminist Wire" (who later identified herself to be Wilde-
Blavatsky), attempted to counter some of these objections by
obfuscating whiteness and showcasing a lack of knowledge of
the history and function of the hijab. To defend her
position, the author cited her intimate connections with
people of colour and informed her critics that
"acknowledging the differences between women in terms of
race, religion and culture" was politically divisive. We
know these to be common defensive responses from those in
positions of privilege. And our response is as common:
"Listen."

As feminists from diverse backgrounds, we value challenging,
difficult, and necessary conversations on patriarchal
violence within all our communities. We also recognize the
importance of having an honest discussion about how racial
hierarchies, discrimination, and prejudice differently
impact racialized communities (for example, as blacks,
Muslims and/or black Muslims). What we do find deeply
problematic, however, is the questioning of women's choice
to wear the niqab and the presumption that this decision is
rooted in a "false consciousness."

We also take issue with Wilde-Blavatsky's depiction of the
violent motivations behind Alawadi's murder. Wilde-Blavatsky
states, "Scratch the surface and what is underlying racist
fear and violence is an all-pervasive global culture of male
power and domination." In writing this, the author has all
but stripped women of colour of an intersectional
understanding of violence against women, one that is attuned
to both patriarchal and racist violence. Instead, Muslim
women and women of colour feminists are reduced to a piece
of cloth and the experiences of people of colour and
practioners of an increasingly racialized and demonized
religion are repeatedly questioned and denied.

To us, it is deeply troubling to be patronized by a person
who insists the hijab is never a choice made of free will.
But what is even more saddening is that such opinions are
being propagated on a feminist site with a commitment to
highlighting the consequences of the "ill-fated pursuit of
wars abroad and the abandonment of a vision of social
justice at home." The consequences of such wars have
included the demonization, incarceration, and oppression of
Muslim men, women, and children at home and abroad.

Wilde-Blavatsky's desire to see "women as human beings first
and foremost" is admirable. However, for many of us, the
category of "women" is not singularly understood. We live
our lives not simply as women but as people with complex,
diverse, and intersecting identities. These identities  -
including religious, racial, and sexual identities  -  are
not universal, absolute, or stagnant. Recognizing this is
essential for building solidarity among feminists and our
allies.

As feminists deeply committed to challenging racism and
Islamophobia and how it differentially impacts black and
Muslim (and black Muslim) communities, we wish to open up a
dialogue about how to build solidarities across complex
histories of subjugation and survival. This space is
precisely what is shut down in this article. In writing this
letter, we emphasize that our concern is not solely with
Adele Wilde-Blavatsky's article but with the broader
systemic issues revealed in the publication of a work that
prevents us from challenging hierarchies of privilege and
building solidarity.

We hope The Feminist Wire will take our concerns to heart
and initiate an honest conversation about privilege, racism,
and Islamophobia within feminist collectives and movements.

Sincerely,

Ziad Abu-Rish, PhD Candidate, Department of History,
  University of California Los Angeles
Sophia Azeb, PhD Student, American Studies & Ethnicity,
  University of Southern California
Abbie Bakan, Professor and Head of Gender Studies, Queen's
  University
Nancy Barrickman, Assistant Professor, Department of
  Anthropology, University of Waterloo
Liat Ben-Moshe, University of Illinois Chicago
Simone Browne, Department of Sociology, University of Texas
  at Austin
Syeda Nayab Bukhari, PhD Candidate, Department of Gender,
  Sexuality, and Women's Studies, Simon Fraser University
Lisa Bunghalia, PhD Candidate, Geography, Syracuse
  University
Fathima Cader, MA, JD, University of British Columbia
Carolyn CastaƱo, Los Angeles based artist
Josh Cerretti, PhD Candidate, Global Gender Studies, SUNY
  Buffalo
Sylvia Chan-Malik, Assistant Professor (incoming July 2012),
  Departments of American and Women and Gender Studies,
  Rutgers University
Piya Chatterjee, Association Professor, Department of Women
  Studies, University of California Riverside
Sabina Chatterjee, Centre for the Study of Gender, Social
  Inequities and Mental Health, Simon Fraser University
Elora Halim Chowdhury, Associate Professor, Department of
  Women's Studies, University of Massachusetts Boston
Christopher Churchill, Assistant Professor, History and
  Global Studies, Alfred University
Maria E. Cotera, Associate Professor, Program in American
  Culture/Latino Studies, Department of Women's Studies,
  University of Michigan
Jessica Danforth (Yee), Executive Director, The Native Youth
  Sexual Health Network
Huma Dar, UC Berkeley
Lamis J. Deek, NY-based Arab-Muslim Organizer-Activist-
  Attorney, JD 2003
Amal Eqeiq, PhD Candidate, Comparative Literature,
  University of Washington - Seattle
Maria Hantzopoulos, Assistant Professor, Department of
  Education, Vassar College
Suad Joseph, University of California Davis
Zillah Eisenstein, Professor of Political Theory and Anti-
  racist Feminisms, Ithaca College
Nassim Elbardouh, Gender, Sexuality, and Women Studies
  Alum., Simon Fraser University
Lisa Factora-Borchers, feminist writer and editor
Carol Fadda-Conrey, Assistant Professor, English Department,
  Syracuse University
Meaghan Frauts, PhD Student, Queen's University
Trieneke Gastmeier, MA Public Issues Anthropology
Macarena Gomez Barris, Associate Professor, University of
  Southern California
Jasmin Habib, Associate Professor, University of Waterloo
Lisa Hajjar, Sociology Department, University of California
  Santa Barbara
Deborah Heath, Director, Gender Studies, Lewis & Clark
  College
Fatima Jaffer, Interdisciplinary Studies PhD Student,
  University of British Columbia
Suad Joseph, University of California Davis
J Kehaulani Kauanui, Associate Professor of American Studies
  and Anthropology, Wesleyan University
Dr. Laleh Khalili, Senior Lecturer in Politics of the Middle
  East, Research Tutor, Centre for Gender Studies, School of
  Oriental and African Studies
Farrah Khan, Violence Against Women Counselor & Advocate,
  Toronto, Canada
Molly Kraft, Geography MA, University of British Columbia
Jennifer A. Liu, Assistant Professor, Department of
  Anthropology, University of Waterloo
Jenna Loyd, Department of Geography, Syracuse University
Lorraine Halinka Malcoe, Faculty of Health Sciences, Simon
  Fraser University
Eli Manning, Gender, Sexualities and Women's Studies, Simon
  Fraser University
Theresa McCarthy, Assistant Professor, American/Native
  American Studies, Department of Transnational Studies,
  SUNY Buffalo
Anne Meneley, Chair of the Department of Anthropology, Trent
  University
Dian Million, Assistant Professor, American Indian Studies,
  University of Washington
Salma Mirza, Third World History Student, University of
  North Carolina at Chapel Hill
Chandra Talpade Mohanty, Professor of Women's and Gender
  Studies, Sociology, and the Cultural Foundations of
  Education & Dean's Professor of the Humanities, Syracuse
  University
Scott Morgensen, Department of Gender Studies, Queen's
  University
Amitis Motevalli, Iranian and Los Angeles based artist
Catherine Murray, Chair, Gender, Sexualities and Women's
  Studies, Simon Fraser University
Nadine Naber, Associate Professor of American Culture and
  Women's Studies, University of Michigan
Mary-Jo Nadeau, Department of Sociology, University of
  Toronto Mississauga
Marcy Newman, Independent Scholar
Dana M. Olwan, Ruth Wynn Woodward Junior Chair and Assistant
  Professor, Department of Gender, Sexuality, and Women's
  Studies, Simon Fraser University
Margaret Aziza Pappano, Associate Professor, Department of
  English, Queen's University
Melanie Richter-Montpetit, York University
Krista Riley, Editor-in-Chief, Muslimah Media Watch
Robin L. Riley, Assistant Professor, Department of Women's
  and Gender Studies, Syracuse University
Judy Rohrer, Assistant Professor in Residence, Women's
  Studies Program, University of Connecticut
Samah Sabra, Canadian Studies, Carleton University
Dr. Jillian Schwedler, Associate Professor, Department of
  Political Science, University of Massachusetts
Sherene Seikaly, Assistant Professor, Department of History,
  The American University in Cairo
Simona Sharoni, Professor and Chair, Gender and Women's
  Studies Department, SUNY Plattsburgh
Athalia Snyder
Tamara Lea Spira, President's Postdoctoral Fellow,
  University of California Davis
Itrath Syed, PhD Student, School of Communication, Simon
  Fraser University
Farha Ternikar, Associate Professor of Sociology, Director
  of Peace and Global studies, Le Moyne College, Syracuse
Sunera Thobani, Associate Professor, Centre for Women's and
  Gender Studies, University of British Columbia
Elizabeth Tremante, LA Art Girls
Amina Wadud, Visiting Scholar, Starr King School for the
  Ministry
Harsha Walia, activist, writer, co-founder of No One Is
  Illegal, Radical Desis, and Anti-Authoritarian People of
  Colour Northwest Network
Theresa Warburton, PhD Candidate, Global Gender Studies,
  SUNY Buffalo
Waziyatawin, PhD, Indigenous Peoples Research Chair and
  Associate Professor, University of Victoria
Laura Whitehorn, New York Taskforce for Political Prisoners
Bekah Wolf (Abu Maria), Social Justice Activist,
  U.S./Palestine
Cynthia Wright
Valerie Zink, Editor/Publisher, Briarpatch Magazine

[If you would like to be added to the list of signatories,
please send your full name and institutional affiliation to
[log in to unmask]]

==========

To Be Anti-Racist Is To Be Feminist: The Hoodie and the Hijab Are Not Equals

by Adele Wilde-Blavatsky 

The Feminist Wire

April 13, 2012

http://thefeministwire.com/2012/04/to-be-anti-racist-is-to-be-feminist-the-hoodie-and-the-hijab-are-not-equals/

Last month, an American-born Iraqi woman, Shaima Alawadi,
was viciously murdered in the United States.  According to
reports, her daughter stated that a racist note was left
outside the family home before the attack. Alawadi's death
came shortly after another allegedly racially-motivated
murder, that of African-American man Trayvon Martin. CNN
reported:

    ..social media users quickly compared Alawadi's death to
    that of 17-year-old Trayvon Martin, calling both hate
    crimes, and drawing a parallel between a hijab and a
    hoodie... On Sunday morning, the authors of the
    parenting Blog, Momstrology, tweeted: `A teen murdered
    for wearing hooded sweater. An Iraqi woman beaten to
    death for wearing a head scarf. Our hearts ache for
    you.'

To be clear, murder or violence motivated by hatred based on
skin color, race, age, gender, or sexuality is wrong and
should be condemned.

A `One Million Hoodies' march was organised to demand
justice for Martin.  As Brendan O'Neill argued, this use of
the hoodie is questionable enough.  The wearing of `One
million hijabs' to show public solidarity and outrage at the
murder of Alwadi? I cannot think of anything more ironic and
counter-productive.

What I take issue with here is the equating of the hoodie
and the hijab as sources of ethnic identity and pride. The
hijab, which is discriminatory and rooted in men's desire to
control women's appearance and sexuality, is not a choice
for the majority of women who wear it. The hoodie, on the
other hand, is a choice for everyone who wears it. The
history and origin of these two items of clothing and what
they represent could not be more different; like comparing
the crippling footbindings of Chinese women with a `Made in
China' Nike trainer.

So why has the anti-racist debate taken this rather bizarre
turn?

The Misplaced Sanctity of Culture

A common liberal response to this issue is that if Alawadi
(and other Muslim women) had freely chosen to wear the hijab
or burqa - in the same way that some women freely choose to
have breast implants - then it could be a symbol of racial
pride and identity; and any criticism of their choice is
cultural prejudice. Germaine Greer, the renowned Australian
feminist, made similar comments about female genital
mutilation (FGM) as practiced by women of African origin
both inside and outside Africa. In The Whole Woman, Greer
argued that attempts to outlaw FGM amounted to "an attack on
cultural identity", adding: "One man's (sic) beautification
is another man's mutilation."

http://thefeministwire.com/wp-content/uploads/2012/04/hijabandbikini1.jpg

Even if we accept that some women make such choices `freely'
(which is clearly debatable), this response conflates two
issues. First, the freedom to choose something (if we take
that to mean the absence of `obvious' force); and second,
the ethics of the choice itself. I am not a cultural
relativist like Greer and think her views on FGM represent
`a misplaced sanctity of culture'. If we become cultural
relativists on human rights, then it also means we cannot
question a woman's `choice' to become a prostitute, a
hardcore porn star, or to engage in endless amounts of
plastic surgery and dieting. All highly questionable choices
for a variety of reasons. On the other hand, unless such
practices are clearly non-consensual or cause significant
physical harm to women and girls (such as FGM), then they
need not be banned either.

I am a libertarian at heart.

Whether it's a hijab or a mini-skirt, the question we must
ask is the same. When women `choose' to wear these clothes,
is it really a free choice? What does such clothing
represent in their culture and why? Is it worn predominantly
to please religious leaders and men, to fit in, to be
accepted, and (for some women) to avoid punishment?

`It's Not Tradition, It's Archaic'

This is not neo-colonialism either. Muslim feminists have
spoken out against the burqa and hijab, and even supported
the French ban in schools. Fadela Amara explained her
support for France's ban:

    The veil is the visible symbol of the subjugation of
    women, and therefore has no place in the mixed, secular
    spaces of France's public school system.

When some feminists began defending the headscarf on the
grounds of "tradition", Amara vehemently disagreed:

    They define liberty and equality according to what
    colour your skin is. They won't denounce forced
    marriages or female genital mutilation, because, they
    say, it's tradition. It's nothing more than
    neocolonialism. It's not tradition, it's archaic. French
    feminists are totally contradictory. When Algerian women
    fought against wearing the headscarf in Algeria, French
    feminists supported them. But when it's some young girl
    in a French suburbs chool, they don't.

Z.M. Hosseini also recently argued in Criminalising
Sexuality that the patriarchal rulings on the hijab are used
even today to sanction control over women's bodies and
freedom, and that it was only recently that the hijab became
a marker of Muslim identity and faith.  Author and human
rights campaigner Malalai Joya, often referred to as `the
bravest woman in Afghanistan', one of the fiercest critics
of the Afghan government and the foreign occupation of her
country, recently referred to the burqa as `disgusting'.

Other women are taking more direct radical action to
challenge the dogma of the hijab. Egyptian naked blogger
Aliaa Mahdy addresses the notion that a woman is the sum
total of her headscarf and hymen by showing that nakedness
and sex can become weapons of political resistance.
Similarly, this week in Paris, Femen feminists from Europe,
the Middle East, and North Africa came together to join
forces and protest. Among the participants were Iranian
human rights activist Mariam Namazi, popular Lebanese
actress Darina Al Jondy, and well-known French feminist of
Arabian origin Safia Lebdi.

Nakedness and sexuality have long been effective weapons in
the feminist arsenal (bra-burning and free love). However,
feminists take note: (as Greer also later claimed) this
`sexual revolution' was also hijacked by a male-dominated
and misogynistic media who managed to sell back to women a
distorted form of sexual freedom and nudity that was more
about pleasing and servicing men's sexual desires than
genuine liberation. It has not all been a waste of time,
though. A small minority of women who benefited from the
second-wave feminism of the 1960s and 1970s do have far more
freedom and control over their bodies than ever before.

I have heard some Muslim men (and women) claim that the
hijab can be used to challenge and reclaim the idea of
female freedom from the hyper-sexualized porno West with an
alternative idea of sexuality and femininity about covering
up, modesty, mystery, and so on. Nice as it sounds, it is
the classic virgin/whore false dichotomy, yet again.

Whatever women wear (or don't) to challenge their
oppressors, it is important not to lose sight of the root
source of their bondage. Let's not forget amidst the public
cries of `racism', the silent truth that the killers of both
Martin and Alawadi were men.

Racism and a Global Culture of Male Supremacy and Violence

The chief problem with much of the mainstream anti-racist
debate is its failure to recognize the gender dimension.
Focusing an anti-racist gaze on a person's skin color alone
misses one of the most crucial aspects of racist violence:
patriarchal power and domination.

Just to be clear, I am not saying that ALL men are racists,
sexists, or violent either. As Hollywood actress Ashley Judd
recently stated, in response to the media's obsession with
her own physical appearance:

    Patriarchy is not men. Patriarchy is a system in which
    both women and men participate. It privileges, inter
    alia, the interests of boys and men over the bodily
    integrity, autonomy, and dignity of girls and women.

The fact that Martin's murder generated far more headlines,
public outrage, and support shows that a man's death is
still considered worse than a woman's. Yet, with three women
per week in the U.S. being murdered by their former or ex-
partners, why is that? Paying lip-service to the notion of
equality and justice, by tagging Alawadi's death on to
Martin's murder, insults everyone's intelligence.

The equating of the hoodie with the hijab misrepresents and
denies the root source of Alawadi's murder. Ironically,
Alawadi and her family fled to the United States trying to
escape the effects of state-sanctioned male aggression and
violence, otherwise known as the 1991 Persian Gulf War. By
wearing the hijab in the U.S., Alawadi was doing the `right
thing' by the Iraqi patriarchal `team'. Yet, it produced the
opposite effect in men from the U.S.  'team'. This clash of
patriarchal ideologies on the issue of female sexuality and
physical appearance certainly exposed the hatred of `other',
that other being `woman'. Alawadi's `mistake' (like all
women blamed for victimhood) was not fitting the home team's
vision of appropriate femininity and freedom.

It really is time to re-frame the tired, mainstream debate
on racism.

Racism is not skin-deep: white vs. non-white. If that were
the case, then why has there been centuries of caste
discrimination and violence in countries like India? Why are
Muslim women beaten and murdered by Muslim men for refusing
to wear the hijab ? How did both these deaths occur in a
country that is led by a black male President? How does it
explain the fact that about 150 black men are killed every
week in the U.S. - and 94 percent of them by other black
men? This is not to play the `race card' nor the `violence
card'. This is to make sure we do not miss the major
problem.

The social constructs and divisions of race are clearly
drawn by those who hold and control religious, economic, and
cultural power. So however much mainstream anti-racist
discourse claims this is about race, or fear of `hijabs' and
`terrorists', this is too simplistic. Scratch the surface
and what is underlying racist fear and violence is an all-
pervasive global culture of male power and domination. If
people want to see an end to racism, and I certainly do,
then we need to see an end to the celebration and
perpetuation of patriarchal norms, values, and institutions.
In the twenty-first century, to be  anti-racist is to be
feminist.

As Shaima Alawadi tragically discovered, whether it is white
men in the U.S. or brown men in Iraq, women are literally
`damned if they do and damned if they don't'.

Dedicated to all the brave, beautiful, and forgotten women
who have been raped, tortured, murdered (and blamed), for
not wearing `suitable' clothes.

==========

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